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are likely to gain by attempting the conquest of Scytbia. On the other hand, you inay, if you please, have in us a valuable alliance. We command the borders of both Europe and Asia. There is nothing between us and Bactria, but the river Tanais ; and our territory extends to Thrace, which, as we have heard, borders on Macedon. If you
decline attacking us in a hostile manner, you may have our friendship. Nations which have never been at war are on an equal footing. But it is in vain, that confidence is reposed in a conquered people. There can be no sincere friendship between the oppressor and the oppressed. Even in peace, the latter think themselves entitled to the rights of war against the former. We will, if you think good, enter into a treaty with you, according to our manner, which is, not by signing, sealing, and taking the gods to witness, as is the Grecian custom; but by doing actual services. The Scythians are not used to promise ; but to perform without promising. And they think an appeal to the gods superfluous; for that those who have no regard for the esteem of men will not hesitate to offend the gods by perjury. You may therefore consider with yourself, whether you had better have a people of such a character, and so situate as to have it in their power either to serve you, or to annoy you, according as you treat them, for allies, or for enemies.
ARMY, TO INCITE THEM TO ACTION AGAINST THE
When I reflect on the causes of the war, and the circumstances of our situation, I feel a strong persuasion, that our united eftorts on the present day will prove the beginning of universal liberty to Britain. For none of us are hitherto debased by slavery; and we have no prospect of a secure retreat behind us, either by land or sea, while the Roman fleet hovers around. Thus the use of arms, which is at all times honourable to the brave, here offers the only safety even to cowards. In all the battles which have yet been fought with
gantines, even under a female leader, had force enough to burn the enemy's settlements, to storm their camps ; and, if suecess had not introduced negligetice and inactivity, would have been able entirely to throw off the yoke': 'And shall not we, untouched, uusubdued, and struggling not for the acquisition, but the continuance of liberty, declare at the very first onset what kind of men Caledonia has reserved for her defence? Cu Can you imagine, that the Romans are as brave in war they are insolent in peace ? Acquiring renown from our discords and dissensions, they convert the errours of their enemies to the glory of their own army; an army compounded of the most different nations, which, as success alone has kept together, misfortune will certainly dissipate. Unless, indeed, you can suppose that Gauls, and Germans, and (I blush to say it) even Britons, lavishing their blood for a foreign state, to which they have been longer foes than subjects, will be retained by loyalty and affection! Terrour aud dread alone, weak bonds of attachment, are the ties by which they are restrained ; and when these are once broken, those who cease to fear will begin to hate. Every incitement to victory is on our side. The Romans have no wives to animate them; no parents to upbraid their flight. Most of them have either no habitation, or a distant one. Few in number, ignorant of the country, looking around in silent horroúr at the woods, seas, and a haven itself unknown to them, they are delivered by the gods, as it were imprisoned and bound, into our hands. Be not terrified with an idle show, and the glitter of silver and gold, which can neither protect nor wound. In the very ranks of the enemy we shall find our own bands. The Britons will acknowledge their own cause. The Gauls will recollect their former liberty. The Germans will desert them, as the Usipii have lately done. Nor is there any thing formidable behind them: Ungarrisoned forts; colonies of invalides municipal towns distempered and distracted between unjust Inasters and ill-obeying subjects. Here is your general here your army. There, tributés, mines, and all the traiu of servile punishments; which whether to bear eternally, of instantly to revenge, this field must determiné. Märch then to battle, and think of your ancestors and your posterity.
TACITUS. CHAP. VII.
THE EARL OF ARUNDEL'S SPEECH, PROPOSING AN
ACCOMMODATION BETWEEN HENRY II. AND
STEPHEN. In the midst of a wide and open plain, Henry found Stephen encamped, and pitched his own tents within a quarter of a mile of him, preparing for battle with all the eagerness, that the desire of empire and glory could excite in a brave and youthful heurt, elate with success. Stephen ulso much wished to bring the contest between them to a speedy decision: but while he and Eustace werec onsulting with William of Ipres, in whose affection they most confided, and hy whose private advice they took all their measures, the Earl of Arundel, having assembled the English nobility and principal officers, spoke to this effect : It is now above sixteen years, that, on a doubtful and disputed claim to the crown, the rage of civil war has almost continually infested this kingdom. During this melancholy period how much blood has been shed! What devastations and misery have been brought on the people! The laws have lost their force, the crown it's authority: licentiousness and impunity have shaken all the foundations of public security. This great and noble nation has been delivered a prey to the basest of foreigners, the abominable scum of Flanders, Brabant, and Bretagne, robbers rather than soldiers, restrained by no laws, divine or human, tied to no country, subject to no prince, instruments of all tyranny, violence, and oppression. At the same time, our cruel neighbours, the Welsh and the Scotch, calling themselves allies or auxiliarjes to the Empress, but in reality enemies and destroyers of England, have broken their bounds, ravaged our borders, and taken from us whole provinces, which we can never hope to recover; while, instead of employing our united force against them, we continue thus madly, without any care of our public safety or national honour, to turn our swords against our own bosoms. What benefits have we gained, to compensate all these losses, or what do we expect? When Matilda was mistress of the kingdom, though her power was not yet confirme in what manner did she govern? Did she not make even those of her own faction and court regret the king? Was not her pride more intolerable still than his levity, her rapine than his profiseness? Were any years of his reign so grievous to the people, so offensive to the nobles, as the first days of hers? When she was driven out, did Stephen correct his former bad conduct? Did he dismiss his odious foreign favourite? Did he discharge his lawless foreign hirelings, who had been so long the scourge and the reproach of England? Have they not lived ever since upon free quarter, by plundering our houses and burning our cities? And now, to complete our miseries, a new army of foreigners, Angevins, Gascons, Poictevins, I know not who, are come over with Henry Plantagenet, the son of Matilda ; and many more, no doubt, will be called to assist liim, as soon as ever his affairs abroad will permit; by whose help, if he be victorious, England must pay the price of their services : our lands, our honours, must be the hire of these rapacious invaders. But suppose we should have the fortune to conquer for Stephen, what will be the consequence? Will victory teach him moderation? Will he learn from security that regard to our liberties, which he could not learn from danger ? Alas! the only fruit of our good success will be this ; the estates of the Earl of Leicester, and others of our countrymen, who have now quitted the party of the king, will be forfeited ; and new.confiscations will accrue to William of Ipres.
But let us not hope, that, be our victory ever so complete, it will give any lasting peace to this kingdom. Should Henry fall in this battle, there are two other brothers to succeed to his claim, and support bis faction, perhaps with less merit, but certainly with as much ambition as he. What shall we do then, to freeourselves from all these misfortunes? Let us prefer the interest of our country to that of our party, and to all those passions, which are apt, in civil dissensions, to inflame zeal into madness, and render men the blind instruments of those very evils, which they fight to avoid. Let us prevent all the crimes, and all the horrours, that attend a war of this kind, in which conquest itself is full of calamity, and our most happy victories deserve to be celebrated only by tears. Nature herself is dismayed, and shrinks back from a combat, where every blow that we strike may murder a friend, a relation, a parent. Let us hearken to her voice, which commands us to refrain from that guilt. Is there one of us here, who would not think it a happy and