parts of the world. It consists chiefly of the exportation of its own rude produce for the manufactures of other countries; a great trade of this nature is carried on with Great Britain, which, being rich in capital, and still more in the art and industry of her numerous artizans, abounds in finished manufactures, with which she supplies the increasing population of America, in exchange for rude produce. With the other countries of Europe, America also maintains a constant intercourse, from some of which she imports rude produce, such as iron, for the supply of her rising manufactures. A great and flourishing trade has also been opened with the East Indies and the Asiatic islands, which is daily increasing. The official value of bullion and goods exported to India from 1802 to 1807 inclusive, amounted to L.4,803,283. The Americans, besides, carry on an extensive and lucrative trade to China; importing teas not only into their own country, but also supplying the consumpt of Europe; and they have this great and inestim ble advantage, owing to the wisdom of their government, that their trade is placed under no restrictions. Their industry has every encouragement; while the British merchant, by the wretched policy of his government, is excluded from all intercourse with China, as if he were guilty of some crime when he was prosecuting his lawful trade. This exclusion of the British merchant from the China market is of great benefit to the Americans, as it frees them from the competition of a formidable rival in this gainful trade; an advantage which the Americans have prosecuted with all their characteristic ardour.

The public revenues of the United States arise chiefly from duties on the importation of foreign merchandise, from the postoffice, and from the sale of the public lands. The port duties laid on foreign goods amount to 15 per cent. on all articles not specified as subject to any higher rate of duty; to 20 per cent. on all cotton and woollen goods; to 30 per cent. on various miscellaneous articles; and a specified duty on numerous other enumerated commodities. An addition of 10 per cent. is made to the above duties, when the articles are imported in foreign vessels. With respect to the public lands, it is well known that a great portion of that immense and uncultivated territory which lies west of the United States, has become the property of the state; the Indians, by whom it was claimed as hunting ground, having yielded their title to the United States for a suitable consideration. It is this land which is sold by the state to new settlers, for not less than two dollars an acre; and for the transaction of this business,

VOL. VI. PART 11.

land offices have been opened in various parts. Between 1812 and 1817, land has been sold to the amount of above 12,000,000 of dollars, of which 4,000,000 have been actually received; the remaining 8,000,000 constituting a debt to the state. The postoffice only yields to the state a surplus revenue of 25,000 dollars. The rates are moderate, and the expences of transporting the mail over many of the roads are considerable. Newspapers are charged 1 cent for every 100 miles, and 1 cent for all above. There were, besides these sources of revenue, during the war, other duties laid on all goods and wares manufactured within the United States: duties on household furniture, and on the use of gold and silver watches; on stills and domestic dis tilled spirits; on sales by auction; on snuff-mills; on refined sugar; on four and two wheeled carriages of all descriptions; on licenses to retail wines and spirits. All these taxes ceased at the end of the year 1817. There was, besides, a direct tax imposed on all the landed property; on all horses, and on slaves; which, in 1815, amounted to 6,000,000 of dollars; in 1816 it was reduced to 3,000,000 of dollars. The debt of the United States amounted in 1791 to 74,185,596 dollars. In 1812 it was reduced to 45,154,189; but was raised in 1817, by the war, to 112,107,862; and in 1818 was again reduced to 99,004,800. The revenue of the United States in 1821 was estimated at 16,110,000 dollars; and the expenditure in 1822 at less than 15,000,000 of dollars.

The American navy, previous to the late war with Great Britain, consisted only of seven frigates fit for service, two that were not worth repairs, and one that was in the dock; one corvette, two sloops of war, three war brigs, 8 smaller vessels, and 170 gun boats. The war with Great Britain gave a great impulse to the American navy, and the brilliant successes achieved, raised the courage, and excited the hopes, of the Ame ricans. They made vigorous exertions ac cordingly to augment their navy; and in 1814, it consisted of 33 vessels, independ ent of gun-boats. The following is a statement of its force in 1818:-Three 74s; five 44 gun-frigates; three 36s; two 32s; one 20; ten 18s; besides several of 16, 14, 12, and smaller ones: four 74s on the stocks, and others smaller. The navy is manned by 5597 persons, including 35 captains, 26 masters commandant, and 118 lieutenants. The annual expences for 1818, including pay, rations, repairs of vessels, navy-yards, &c., was estimated at 2,359,231 dollars. The marine corps consists of 993 officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates. Annual expencer

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stated at 222,145,055. Navy-yards are established at Portsmouth, Charleston, Brooklyn, Philadelphia, Washington, and Norfolk. The United States have a military academy at West Point, New York, and extensive establishments for the manufacture of arms at Springfield, Massachusetts, and Harper's Ferry, Virginia.

The United States, while they have each separate and independent legislatures for the administration of local concerns, are ruled in all matters of imperial policy, by two houses of legislature, the senate and the house of representatives, to which delegates are sent from all the different members of the American confederacy. The senate consists of two members from each state, chosen by the local legislature for six years; while the house of representatives is chosen by the people for two years. The right of voting is in some of the states universal; in others it is restricted to such as pay a certain amount of taxes, or rent a teuement of a certain value. Under its most restricted form, however, it is sufficiently comprehensive, and gives ample scope to the free expression of the people's voice in the choice of their representatives. The lower house of the American legislature must be, acccording to the words of Burke, an express image of the feelings of the people; and the senate, as they derive their origin from the same source, cannot, for any length of time, be of different sentiments from the community at large. The people, in short, have the complete controul over these two branches of the legislature, which in like manner have the complete controul over the executive, as with them resides the power of making laws, of voting the necessary supplies for the public service, and of declaring war. The direct controul of the legislative bodies over the executive, is in this manner greater in the American constitution than in any of the representative governments of Europe. In Great Britain, the constitution commits to the crown the dangerous power of making war, and only leaves to the people the tardy and uncertain remedy of withhold ing the supplies; a remedy which has never in one single instance been put in force.

Another great and essential difference between the American and every other modern government, is, that the first magistrate of the state is elective. He does not come into his great office upon any principle of hereditary right or title. He is chosen for it by the free and unbiassed voice of the people, on account of his superior fitness to discharge its great duties. In this well regulated community, capacity of service is the great principle which governs the distribution of public honours. It is

the true standard of political preferment; the only passport to high office. In the European governments, it is not supposed safe to allow the prize of sovereignty to be contested by rival candidates; and the highest rank and power in the state is accordingly fixed in one family, by the principles of hereditary right; but the American constitution recognises no claim but that of merit; and the highest office of first magistrate in the republic, is given accordingly to him who is the most worthy of it. An able and wise government is the necessary result of this popular choice, and the vigour thus infused at the source, naturally pervades all the inferior parts of the system.

From this account of the American constitution, it is evident that it is a pure democracy, without any portion of those other principles which enter into the composition of what are called mixed governments. The British is a mixed constitution, composed of the elements of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. These jarring principles temper and control each other. They forin what is called the balance of the constitution; and an equal admixture of each is necessary to maintain the due equipoise of the system. But in the American constitution there is no balance or adjustment of contrary principles, because the democratical principle is paramount over all. It is the great ruling principle, to which every thing else is subordinate. There is no hereditary monarch, with the necessary appendage of a hereditary aristocracy. These interests, therefore, do not exist, to counterbalance the democratical interest. The people are the sovereigns of the state. They control and direct all the movements of the political machine. Their rulers are their servants or delegates, chosen by them to clothe their sovereign will with legal authority. Government is merely the point in which are collected all the scattered rays of popular power. The Americans are truly a selfgoverned people. They exhibit the first example of a democracy which has succeeded in combining so great a degree of freedom with good order and perfect subordination to the laws.

It has been stated, however, that America has had great advantages for the experiment of such a popular form of government, in the character and circumstances of her people; that the great danger, in confiding such large powers to the people, is, that where they are ignorant or discontented, they may be set on by restless demagogues, to conspire the ruin of the state; that in this case the power with which they are entrusted becomes an instrument, not

of freedom, but of anarchy; and it is absolutely necessary for the welfare of the community, that they should be restrained in their rash and ungovernable humours; that the question is, how is this salutary and necessary restraint compatible with the character of the American democracy, and what means it possesses for appeasing such a popular storin? At present, owing to the immense quantity of vacant land, the price of labour is continually high, the labouring classes are prosperous and contented; they feel no grievance, and they make no complaint; in these circumstances they may be safely entrusted with power. But supposing a season of general distress, from scarcity, or from any other cause, the crisis, it is said, might then arrive which would put the American constitution to a severer test than any which it has hitherto experienced. In the overcrowded cominunities of Europe, the labouring classes frequently experience severe distress, from the want both of subsistence and of employment. They are in such circumstances naturally discontented, and frequently threaten the disturbance of the public peace. In Europe, however, where standing armies are maintained, the executive has a sure instrument for preserving order. But in America, where no such force exists, might not the state, it is asked, be seriously threatened, if any portion of the people were discontented and rebellious? The crisis here contemplated is one to which the American government has not hitherto been exposed; and considering the immense space of va cant territory which yet remains for cultivation, it may be centuries before the labouring classes can experience any hardship, either from the want of food or employment, and before they can consequently have the least temptation to turbulence or discontent. Even in the worst event, however, it is not likely that where there is no political grievance to complain of, any faction will ever arise to subvert a govern ment which emanates so directly in all its parts from the people, over which the people have such complete power, and all the highest functionaries in which, they have themselves at stated periods an opportunity of changing.

In the United States there is no national establishment of religion, every one being left to support that form of religion which is agreeable to him, by his own voluntary contributions. Nor are there any exclu sive tests to be taken, as qualifications for political offices, every American citizen, of whatever religious profession, being capable of holding any office in the state. The great body of the people profess the Christian religion, and are divided into various