superintending Providence in our Favour. To that kind Providence we owe this happy Opportunity of Consulting in Peace on the Means of establishing our future national Felicity. And have we now forgotten that powerful Friend? or do we imagine we no longer need its assistance? I have lived, Sir, a long time; and the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this Truth, that GOD governs in the Affairs of Men. And if a Sparrow cannot fall to the Ground without his Notice, is it probable that an Empire can rise without his Aid? We have been assured, Sir, in the Sacred Writings, that "except the Lord build the House, they labour in vain that build it" I firmly believe this; and I also believe, that, without his concurring Aid, we shall succeed in this political Building no better than the Builders of Babel; we shall be divided by our little, partial, local Interests, our Projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a Reproach and a Bye-word down to future Ages. And, what is worse, Mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate Instance, despair of establishing Government by human Wisdom, and leave it to Chance, War, and Conquest.

I therefore beg leave to move,

That henceforth Prayers, imploring the Assistance of Heaven and its Blessing on our Deliberations, be held in this Assembly every morning before we proceed to Business; and that one or more of the Clergy of this city be requested to officiate in that Service.1

1 Note by Franklin. "The convention, except three or four persons, thought prayers unnecessary!"— Ed.

1693. PROPOSAL FOR CONSIDERATION

IN THE CONVENTION FOR FORMING THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES

(L. C.)

June 30. 1787.

THAT the Legislatures of the several States shall choose and send an equal Number of delegates, namely, who are to compose the second Branch of the General Legislature.

That in all Cases or Questions wherein the Sovereignties of the Individual States may be effected, or whereby their Authority over their own Citizens may be diminished, or the Authority of the General Government within the several States augmented, each State shall have equal Suffrage.

That in the Appointment of all civil Officers of the General Government, in the Election of whom the Second Branch may, by the Constitution, have part, each State shall have equal Suffrage.

That in fixing the Salaries of such Officers, in all Allowances for public Services, and generally in all Appropriations and Dispositions of Money, to be drawn out of the General Treasury, and in all Laws for supplying the Treasury, the Delegates of the several States shall have Suffrage in proportion to the Sums their respective States had actually contributed to that Treasury from their Taxes or internal Excises.

That, in case general Duties should be laid by Impost on Goods imported, a liberal Estimation shall be made of the Amount of such Impost paid in the Price of the Commodities

by those States that import but little, and a proportionate Addition shall be allowed of Suffrage to such States, and an equal Diminution of the Suffrage of the States importing.

REMARKS.

THE steady Course of public Measures is most probably to be expected from a Number.

A single Person's Measures may be good. The Successor often differs in Opinion of those Measures, and adopts others; often is ambitious of distinguishing himself by opposing them, and offering new Projects. One is peaceably dispos'd; another may be fond of War, &c. Hence foreign States can never have that Confidence in the Treaties or Friendship of such a Government, as in that which is conducted by a Number.

The single Head may be Sick; who is to conduct the Public Affairs in that Case? When he dies, who are to conduct till a new Election? If a Council, why not continue them? Shall we not be harass'd with Factions for the Election of Successors; and become, like Poland, weak from our Dissensions?

Consider the present distracted Condition of Holland. They had at first a Stadtholder, the Prince of Orange, a Man of undoubted and great Merit. They found some Inconveniencies, however, in the Extent of Powers annex'd to that Office, and exercis'd by a single Person. On his Death, they resum'd and divided those Powers among the States and Cities; but there has been a constant Struggle since between that Family and the Nation. In the last Century, the then Prince of Orange found Means to inflame the Populace against their Magistrates, excite a general Insurrection, in which an

excellent Minister, Dewit, was murdered, all the old Magistrates displac'd, and the Stadtholder re-invested with all the former Powers. In this Century, the father of the present Stadtholder, having married a British princess, did, by exciting another Insurrection, force from the Nation a Decree, that the stadtholdership should be thenceforth hereditary in his Family. And now his Son, being suspected of having favoured England in the late War, and thereby lost the Confidence of the Nation, is forming an internal Faction to support his Power, and reinstate his Favourite, the Duke of Brunswick; and he holds up his Family Alliances with England and Prussia to terrify Opposition. It was this Conduct of the Stadtholder, which induc'd the States to recur to the Protection of France, and put their Troops under a French, rather than the Stadtholder's German General, the Duke of Brunswick. And this is the Source of all the present Disorders in Holland, which, if the Stadtholder has Abilities equal to his Inclinations, will probably, after a ruinous and bloody civil War, end in establishing an hereditary Monarchy in his Family.

1694. TO JOHN PAUL JONES

DEAR SIR,

(L. L.)

Philad July 22, 1787.

I am sorry I cannot yet send you the Papers you desir'd. My Grandson has remain'd in the Country longer than I expected, and is still there. But I will send them to you at Paris by the first Opportunity, under Cover to Mr Jefferson. Be pleased to present my Respects to him, and acquaint him that the Convention goes on well, and that there is hope of

great Good to result from their Counsels. I intended to have wrote to him: but three Days Illness from which I have hardly recovered have prevented me. Please to acquaint Mr Short, too, that I received the Packets he was so kind as to send me and am much oblig'd to him for his Care of them. -- I wish you a good Voyage, and every kind of Prosperity; being, with sincere Esteem, Dear Sir,

Your most obedient &

most humble Servant

B. FRANKLIN.

I am not able to write by this Ship to any of my Friends in Paris, being so weak as to be scarce able to finish this Letter.

1695. TO CALEB WHITEFOORD 1 (B. M.) Southampton, July 27. 1787.

DEAR FRIEND

My Son has shown me here a Newspaper, with your Friendly Vindication of me; for which good Office accept my Thanks. The writer of the Calumny you have so well refuted, manifests a good deal of Malignancy in his Nature; and such People are afflicted and punished, when they find those Accusations false, which they wish'd to be true. He may therefore be left to himself; and it is hardly worth while to let him know, that the Person he is so desirous of defaming,

1 The original of this letter is "36593 Whitefoord" in the British Museum. It is in Franklin's best handwriting and clearly and unmistakably dated as above. It is as certainly however an error and the date should be 1785. Upon the same day (July 27) W. T. Franklin wrote to Whitefoord a letter, which is also in the Whitefoord collection, in which he referred in like manner to the compensation that had been so long delayed. — ED.