1773. CHAP. had come to light, circulated through the Province, XLIX. and were discussed by the single-minded country July. people during the week, as they made hay or gathered in the early harvest; on Sundays, the ministers discoursed on them, and poured out their hearts in prayers for the preservation of their precious inheritance of liberty. "We devote not only what little we have in the world," said the people of Pearsontown, "but even our lives to vindicate rights so dearly purchased by our ancestors."1 The town of Abington became convinced that the boasted connection with Great Britain was "not worth a rush." 2 The natural right of mankind to improve the form of Government under which they live, was inculcated even from the pulpit; and at the time when the Pope was abolishing the order of the Jesuits, some of the clergy of Boston predicted that "in fifteen years," the people of America would mould for themselves a new Constitution. CHAPTER L. THE BOSTON TEA PARTY. AUGUST-DECEMBER, 1773. L. 1773. THE East India Company, who were now by Act CHAP. of Parliament authorized to export tea to America entirely duty free in England, applied to the Trea- Aug. sury in August for the necessary license. They were warned by Americans, that their adventure1 would end in loss, and some difficulties occurred in details; but the scruples of the Company were overruled by Lord North, who answered peremptorily, "It is to no purpose making objections, for the King will have it so. The King means to try the question with America." 2 The time was short; the danger to Boston immi- Sept. nent; resistance at all hazards was the purpose of its Committee of Correspondence; violent resistance might become necessary; and to undertake it without a certainty of union would only bring ruin on the town and on the cause. 1 Lee to S. Adams, 22 Dec. 1773. " Almon's Anecdotes and Speeches of the Earl of Chatham, ch. xli. Compare also B. Franklin to his CHAP. L. 1773. Sept. A Congress, therefore, on "the plan of union proposed by Virginia," was the fixed purpose of Samuel Adams. He would have no delay; no waiting for increased strength; for, said he, "when our liberty is gone, history and experience will teach us, that an increase of inhabitants will be but an increase of slaves." Through the press he appealed to the Continent for a Congress in order to insist effectually upon such terms as would not admit of any other authority within the Colonies than that of their respective Legislatures.1 It was not possible to join issue with the King more precisely. The first difficulty to be overcome existed in Boston itself. Cushing, the Speaker, who had received a private letter from Dartmouth, and was lulled into confiding in "the noble and generous sentiments" of that Minister, advised that for the time the people should bear their grievances. "Our natural increase in wealth and population," said he, "will in a course of years settle this dispute in our favor; whereas, if we persist in denying the right of Parliament to legislate for us, they may think us extravagant in our demands, and there will be great danger of bringing on a rupture fatal to both countries." He thought the redress of grievances would more surely come "if these high points about the supreme authority of Parliament were to fall asleep."2 Against this feeble advice, the Boston Committee of Correspondence aimed at the union of the Province, and "the Confederacy of the whole Continent of America." They 'In the Boston Gazette of Monday, 13 Sept. 1778; on second page, 1st and 2d column, 962, 2, 1, and 2. Hutchinson to Dartmouth, 23 Sept., 1773. 2 T. Cushing to Arthur Lee, 20 Sept. 1773. L. 1778. Sept. refused to waive the claim of right, which could only CHAP. divide the Americans in sentiment and confuse their counsels. "What oppressions," they asked in their circular to all the other towns, "may we not expect in another seven years, if through a weak credulity, while the most arbitrary measures are still persisted in, we should be prevailed upon to submit our rights, as the patriotic Farmer expresses it, to the tender mercies of the Ministry? Watchfulness, unity and harmony are necessary to the salvation of ourselves and posterity from bondage. We have an animating confidence in the Supreme Disposer of events, that He will never suffer a sensible, brave, and virtuous People to be enslaved."1 Sure of Boston and its Committee, Samuel Adams Oct. next conciliated the favoring judgment of the patriot Hawley, whose influence in the Province was deservedly great, and who had shared with him the responsibility of the measures of the Assembly. "I submit to you my ideas at this time, because matters seem to me to be drawing to a crisis." Such were his words on the fourth, and the thirteenth of October. "The present Administration, even though the very good Lord Dartmouth is one of them, are as fixed as any of their predecessors in their resolution to carry their favorite point, an acknowledgment of the right of Parliament to make laws, binding us in all cases whatever. Some of our politicians would have the people believe, that Administration are disposed, or determined to have all the grievances which we complain of, redressed, if we will only be quiet; 1 Committee of Correspondence Letter, 21 September, 1773. Jourfor the Town of Boston, Circular nals of Committee, 234, 235. L. 1773. CHAP. but this would be a fatal delusion. If the King himself should make any concessions, or take any steps, Oct. contrary to the right of Parliament to tax us, he would be in danger of embroiling himself with the Ministry. Under the present prejudices, even the recalling an instruction to the Governor is not likely to be advised. The subject matter of our complaint is, not that a burden greater than our proportion was laid upon us by Parliament; such a complaint we might have made without questioning the authority of Parliament; but that the Parliament has assumed and exercised the power of taxing us. His Majesty, in his answer to our late Petitions, implies, that the Parliament is the Supreme Legislature; and that its authority over the Colonies is the Constitution. 1 All allow the Minister in the American Department to be a good man. The Great men in England have an opinion of us, as being a mightily religious people; and suppose that we shall place an entire confidence in a Minister of the same character. In fact, how many were filled with the most sanguine expectations, when they heard, that the good Lord Dartmouth was intrusted with a share in Administration. Yet without a greatness of mind, equal, perhaps superior to his goodness, it will be impossible for him singly to stem the torrent of corruption. This requires much more fortitude, than I yet believe he is possessed of. The safety of the Americans depends upon their pursuing their wise plan of union in principle and conduct." 2 |