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a small portion of their affluence, they may secure the peaceful possession of the rest. Let those who are of the age for military duty; that, by learning the art of war in Philip's dominions, they may become formidable defenders of their native land. Let our orators; that they may safely submit their conduct to the public inspection. For your judg. ment of their administrations will ever be determined by the event of things. And may we all contribute to render that favourable!

Demosthenes.

ORATION CONCERNING THE REGULATION OF THE

STATE. You ask, Athenians ! 'What real advantage have we derived from the speeches of Demosthenes ? He rises when he thinks proper : he deafens us with his harangues : he declaims against the degeneracy of present times : he tells us of the virtues of our ancestors: he transports us by his airy extravagance: he puffs up our vanity: and then sits down.'-But, could these my speeches once gain an effectual influence upon your minds, so great would be the advantage conferred upon my country, that were I to attempt to speak them, they would appear to many as visionary. Yet still I must assume the merit of doing some service, by accustoming you to hear salutary truths. And if your counsellors be solicitous for any point of moment to their country, let them first cure your ears; for they are distempered: and this, from the inveterate habit of listening to falsehoods, to every thing, rather than your real interests.

Thus it lately happened (let no man interrupt me: let me have a patient hearing) that some persons broke into the treasury. The speakers all instantly exclaimed, “Our free constitution is over. turned : our laws are no more! And now, ye men of Athens! judge, if I speak with reason. They who are guilty of this crime, justly deserve to die; but by such offenders our constitution is not overturned. Again, some oars have been stolen from our arsenal.- Stripes and tortures for the villain ! our constitution is subverted! This is the general cry. But what is my opinion? This criminal, like the others, hath deserved to die : but, if some are criminal, our constitution is not therefore subverted. There is no man who dares openly and boldly to declare, in what case our constitution is subverted. But I shall declare it. When you, Athenians! become a helpless rabble, without conduct, without property, without arms, without order, without unanimity; when neither general, nor any other person, hath the least respect for your decrees; when no man dares to inform you of this your condition, to urge the necessary reformation, much less, to exert his efforts to effect it: then is your constitution subverted. And this is now the case.

But, O my fellow-citizens ! a language of a different nature hath poured in upon us; false, and highly dangerous to the state. Such is that assertion, that in your tribunals is your great security; that your right of suffrage is the real bulwark of the constitution. That these tribunals are our common resource in all private contests, I acknowledge. But, it is by arms we are to subdue

our enemies, by arms we are to defend our state. It is not by our decrees that we can conquer. To those, on the contrary, who fight our battles with success, to those we owe the power of decreeing, of transacting all our affairs, without control or danger. In arms, then, let us be terrible; in our judicial transactions, humane.

If it be observed, that these sentiments are more elevated than might be expected from my character, the observation, I confess, is just. Whatever is said about a state of such dignity, upon affairs of such importance, should appear more elevated than any character. To your worth should it correspond, not to that of the speaker.

And now I shall inform you, why none of those who stand high in your esteem, speak in the same manner. The candidates for office and employment go about soliciting your voices, the slaves of popular favour. To gain the rank of general, is each man's great concern; not to fill this station with true manlike intrepidity. Courage, if he possesses it, he deems unnecessary: for, thus he reasons : he has the honour, the renown of this city to support him; he finds himself free from oppression and control; he needs but to amuse you with fair hopes; and, thus, he secures a kind of inheritance in your emoluments. And he reasons truly. But, do you yourselves, once, assume the conduct of your own affairs; and then, as you take an equal share of duty, so shall you acquire an equal share of glory. Now, your ministers and public speakers, without one thought of directing you faithfully to your true interests, resign themselves entirely to these generals. Formerly you

divided into classes, in order to raise the supplies : now the business of the classes is to gain the management of public affairs. The orator is the leader; the general seconds his attempts; the Three Hundred are the assistants on each side; and all others take their parties, and serve to fill up the several factions. And you see the consequences : this man gains a statue; this amasses a fortune; one or two command the state; while you sit down unconcerned witnesses of their success; and, for an uninterrupted course of ease and indolence, give them up those great and glorious advantages, which really belong to you.

Demosthenes.

ORATION AGAINST CATILINE.

How far, O Catiline, wilt thou abuse our patience? How long shall thy frantic rage baffle the efforts of justice? To what height meanest thou to carry thy daring insolence? Art thou nothing daunted by the nocturnal watch posted to secure the Palatium? nothing by the city guards? nothing by the consternation of the people? nothing by the union of all the wise and worthy citizens ? nothing by the senate's assembling in this place of strength? nothing by the looks and countenances of all here present? Seest thou not, that all thy designs are brought to light? that the senators are thoroughly apprized of thy conspiracy? that they are acquainted with thy last night's practices; with the practices of the night before; with the place of meeting, the company summoned together, and the measures concerted? Alas for our degeneracy! alas for the depravity of the tines ! the senate is apprized of all this; the consul beholds it; yet the traitor lives. Lives! did I say? he even comes into the senate; he shares in the public deliberations ; le marks us out with his eye for destruction. While we, bold in our country's cause, think we have sufficiently discharged oor duty to the state, if we can but escape his rage and deadly darts. Long since, o Catiline, ought the consul to have ordered thee for execution; and pointed upon thy own head that ruin thou hast been long meditating against us all. Could that illustrious citizen, Publius Scipio, sovereign pontiff, but invested with no public magistracy, kill Tiberius Gracchus for raising some slight commotions in tlie commonwealth ; and shall we consuls suffer Catiline to live, who aims at laying waste the world with fire and sword? I omit, as too remote, the example of Q. Servilius Ahala, who with his own hand slew Spurius Melius, for plotting a revolution in the state. Such, such was the virtue of this republic in former times, that her brave sons punished more severely a factious citizen, than the most inveterate public enemy. We have a weighty and vigorous decree of the senate against you, Catiline : the commonwealth wants not wisdom, nor this house anthority : but we, the consuls, I speak it openly, are wanting in our duty.

A decree once passed in the senate, enjoining the cousul L. Opimius to take care that the commonwealth received no detriment. The very same

VOL. III.

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