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previous act. Those who had been kind which depends upon a wordput down in their lists as good upon a breath-upon an aerial “ for two hundred thousand pounds, derstanding." As a subject for plunwould produce their documents as der, many a millionaire would colshareholders in societies past all lapse into pothing at all. And yet it counting, or in obligations upon would be no true argument to say others holding such property, or in Well, then, if they are such windy deposits with bankers. The call bladders as you describe them, the would travel back upon the banks, sooner they are probed the better; and from the banks upon the funds. for thus there is one delusion less. In the funds, or else in the unfunded Not so ; whilst the law reigns, there debt, [that is, in exchequer bills, which, is no delusion, The delusion first for a known convenience, are a fa- arises when the empire of Parliamenvourite investment with bankers,] tary confiscation arises. Allow the would be found the vast overbalance time, allow the reciprocities of good of all debts owing by banks. But the faith, allow the regular accumulation public debt, funded or unfunded, of the public funds, allow the fulfilresting on the very same security, ment of all contracts, (which can only had already by the terms of the case be fulfilled through the currency of ceased to exist. And we may add their several periods, and would perish this fact, wholly overlooked by the violently by a summary demand)—thes, Chartists, that in every highly civi. things allowed, there is no delusion. lized country an enormous proportion But if a spoliator attempts to convert of what is called (and rightly called, such delicate and susceptible property under the reign of justice) the national into gold and silver, then in every property, has its existence in men's case it will prove delusive in excess ; good faith, intentions, average pros- “not enriching him," the spoliator, pect of life, and current means of “and making us,'' the owners, "poor keeping pace with past contracts. indeed.” Look at the English funds; Such a man is reputed, nay, he re- can there be a better security at this putes himself, worth fifty thousand moment? Is there any known estate pounds. He is so in effect; and the in land, houses, or wbat you please, proof of it is seen in the issue at his upon which you have an equally good death, fifteen years hence, when he assurance, that you will be paid up to will leave effectually, and not nomi- the last farthing of your claim, at a nally, the power over fifty thousand to day and within bours that are assign. his representatives. But, when you able? Yet we all know, that there come to plunder him, he will not be is no real capital corresponding to found good for five of the fifty. Twen- this enormous annual interest. In ty thousand he held on the security that sense, it is a delusion-a huge inof a mortgage; but the very estate flated tympany, which would collapse on which this mortgage is secured, has into nothing when once punctured. been already partitioned and carried But what then? Is it a delusion that to account. Many thousands will be thirty millions of pounds sterling are ultimately traced to the funds; and annually enjoyed by individuals and the attempt to evade that form of societies, or made over to others in bankruptcy by fancied collateral se. equitable discharge of contracts ? curities on insurance offices, turnpike What could any proprietor do with trusts, or other endless depositories an estate in houses or lands that he of capital, will be like the vain effort cannot do with an estate in the funds ? of Frenchmen to escape across the The annual interest has never failed frontiers; now they turned down a for a day since the public debt began; bridle-road to the right, and now and, if he wishes to use his estate as a down a village.lane or a mountain capital, he needs only a very short sheep track to the left; but, alas ! all notice-no advertisements--no farwas mockery. The bridle-road--the sighted arrangements — no costly lane—the sheep-track—all led back deeds of conveyance or public auceventually to the main royal-road tions--summarily to convert his noterminating in a fortified city; and at minal into a real capital. This great those gates all further hope was ex- basis, underdrawn below the vast editinguished. A larger proportion by fice of mutual faith between private much of British property, than of parties—as, in one sense, itself a dee other European property, is of that Tusion, (because dependent only upoņ

taxes conventionally pledged, and taining twenty acres, the field might pledged only by Parliamentary faith) have yielded sixty quarters of grain so also, in a sense more virtually true, that is, a year's support for every one is the great arch of support to incal- of sixty men; but grazed so prema: culable interchanges of good faith. turely by the horses, it will barely upon which reposes a better half of yield one day's feed. Such is the the public property. The eight or collapse of property the most absonine hundred millions of the national lutely real-property heaven-insured debt are far below the superstructure against depreciation, when used for of annual debt undertaken and dis- conversion into far less real property charged --- partly through indirect-gold, for instance, or silver-by the agency by banking, &c., but partly agitated and trembling robber. His by the direct aid of that ideal capital; own panic, the panic which he has ideal, but performing the functions of spread over property in general, capital the most real. The parent in reaches himself by a retributive reflux. terest considered as a capital, and all And if property in this extreme of the derivative interests, become delu- solidity touches so abject a point of sions, and the emptiest of delusions, public depression, we may readily from the moment when the robber imagine how much frailer than frailty handles them; they are the happiest must be that tremulous species of proof human devices for promoting an perty in the other extreme, which deindefinite prosperity, so long as good pends upon credit, or which abuts faith and the steady domination of a finally (by however long a circuit) known rule are allowed to move on upon any public incorporations which undisturbed and unfettered. How themselves, in the last resort, abut merely dust and ashes are all estates upon the public funds. Mere credit reposing on elaborate interchangeable wavers and oscillates, like a candle out engagements of good faith, from the of doors on a windy night, with the instant when they are breathed upon breath of a rumour; and as to the by the foul breath of pillagers, may public securities-mediate in banks, be judged of by this—that even the &c., or immediate in the funds-all of real estates of a nation, the most real them depend absolutely, and without and absolute that can be imagined, a chance of retrieval, upon that fiat of the fee-simple of the select parts a parliament which first created them, amongst the national lands, have never and which has all along sustained fetched a reasonable price when them. brought into the market by the hands Why do we go into this discussion of spoliators. Look at the cases of at such a moment of hurry? Because, church property, glebe lands, or tithes, by less than advertising the true mean. as offered for sale in England, Scot- ing, and the dreadful consequences of land, France, and recently in Spain the "five points”—by less than an exand in Portugal. The movement was posure of the robber Parliament, which partly prompted in all these cases by beyond all doubt and all delay the the secret pressure of a growing pub- “ five points” promise us, it would be lic necessity; and yet in all, happen- impossible to expose the real differoing to fall in with a spirit of rabid ence in presumption, in malice, and in spoliation in the sellers and buyers, evil tendency, by which the present the measure proved one of dreadful riots radiating from Lancashire, stand disappointment to the original pro- distinguished from all former riots at moters and speculators. Here the home, and froin all foreign riots, (exspoliators were baffled by their own cept those of the two French Revoact in overloading the market; against lutions.) A Jacquerie, it may be said, which Spain has vainly endeavoured goes the same length in principle : to take precautions by throwing the this sort of insurrection has repeatedly sales into successive instalments. But existed on the continent; more than the result has always been-that once as to the thing in France ; in whilst, in the next generation, it was Germany, on several occasions during found that the final purchaser had the middle ages; and perhaps for the drawn an excessive prize, the original last time in the Anabaptist villanies and summary vendor fared as the at an early stage of the 16th century. owner of a wheat-field in the month But sometimes these popular moveof May, who gives it up to the dis- ments have had their first origin in a cretion of a cavalry regiment. Con. bread tumult, (what in Scotland, from



a local peculiarity of the food, was they could organize such a schism, in technically known as a meal mob ;) preparation beforehand of the plea often in the pressure of a local tax, (as that all had not agreed to the general was the case in the brief Neapolitan counsels, whilst taking good care that mutiny under Masaniello the fisher- no practical loss of strength should man ;) often in the hatred to foreign thus accrue to their faction. But as rulers, (which popular feeling co-oper. to these mobs—they traffic not in exated with the tax in the case last cuses ; they regard not any pleas in mentioned ;) often in just and courage. justification; they are reckless of the ous adherence to ancient laws or pri- public judgment. Their present ofvileges wrongfully and abruptly an. fence, its head and front, is—that they nulled, (as in the very interesting in- defy and make war upon the public surrection of the Commons in Castile beyond the ring-fence of their own during the first absence in Germany labouring order; their audacity (many of the Emperor Charles V. ;) but times we have

to repeat, almost uniformly with the excuse of an audacity absolutely without presome deep provocation, in long pre- cedent) goes to this length-that vious oppression by an irresponsible they, the men without property, do noblesse, or in usurpation by the not demand to be placed on the level

At present there may have of those who have property; do not been oppressions: there may be that ask for equal political rights; do not excuse for our rioters : we fear there ask for one moiety of the legislating is: these grievances, for instance, were authority: no! this contents them recently alleged, (meeting at the not; they will not even be satisfied Crown Inn, Bolton.) Supposing them with the larger share of the law. true, afterwards will come the ques- making power. No, no : their war-cry tion- Who was the oppressor, and is--" We that have hitherto had none, who is marked out for the victim ? intend now to have all. We will not The corn-league masters are the take a part of the public power in this oppressors, the nation is marked for vast empire ; we will not take the the victim. These are grievances : larger part; but we, the weavers, « Reduction of our wages ; unjust and tailors, cobblers, and cotton-spinners, unreasonable abatements ; forcing upon insist on having the whole. And not, us unhealthy and disagreeable houses ; mark you, as any concession or in. charging erorbitant rents; meanly and dulgence, but as our right-too long avariciously employing apprentices to kept from us by violence." For as supersede the regular journeymen ; to the pretence that they allow the curtailing wages by not paying up to men of property to vote, that is the the list almost unanimously agreed to ; merest fraud, that could never blind thus proving their (the masters') un. any man of reflection. The suffrages principled meanness and trickery.' of property would be so utterly Sticking to this memorial of wrong, swamped and engulfed by those of proving it, and not, arrogantly beyond the no-property men, that to struggle all known arrogance, intermeddling at all would be the mere farce of a with fundamental politics, the work. consciously-impotent protest. Out ing people of Lancashire would have of nineteen million heads in this carried along with them the sympä- island, not three hundred thousand thies of all England. “ But all have are connected with property sufficient not intermeddled with politics : some to ensure the conservative instincts have even disclaimed politics by and sympathies of properties. This printed bills.”

We must not too is a subject which at some future much rely upon that. It is the dis- opening we design to treat, upon ease, and oftentime the providential some former experimental enquiries of euthanasy of such mobs congregated our own in that direction ; we doubted for riot, that they fall into anarchy; then how far the possession of a comand therefore, if we receive it as a fortable property would act upon the fair condition for pronouncing judg- politics of an individual, whether by ment upon them, that first of all they associating him to the interests of the must be of one mind, that is a con- aristocracy, or by associating him in dition which never will be realized: feeling and habits to the wishes of with a sufficient motive, as, for in- the democracy. That point we settled stance, with any anxiety for the public satisfactorily, but not to our satisfac. judgment on themselves, artificially tion; and the result we shall attempt to

perty classes.

give at a future day. For the present, very great. These people, as a body, we content ourselves with throwing are every where to be purchased ; the considerate reader upon the sim- they are on sale for ever-they and ple relation in point of numbers be- their abilities for speaking or for writiween the property and the no-pro- ing. But, beside these, conspicuous

Were the first even a ly in Parliament do we not behold memmillion, then the other would be eigh- bers of large property who intrench teen millions for England and Scot- themselves in Parliamentary priviland. Each class must have the same lege as a vile mode to escape the pedivisor* for ascertaining the number nalties of sedition-sometimes even of voters; consequently, the quotients of treason ? And to what other class will exhibit the very same relations. can we refer that gentleman, brother But besides the general question aris- to a senator, who, in a published let. ing as to property so circumstanced ter, addresses the Chartists as a fra(by quality or by amount) as to link

ternal co-operator, anxious for their the holders much more strongly by prudence, simply because anxious for sympathy with the working class, their final success ? So that, upon the than by interest with the aristocracy, whole, we are far wide of the truth if there is another outstanding fact which we flatter ourselves, that even upon tells powerfully against the chances the aristocracy we are entitled to of property in such a fearful struggle. count in their whole nominal extent. Many of the master manufacturers, Nay, as respects that last tower of of really large and conspicuous pro- strength and innermost citadel of the perties, have shown themselves base constitution—the House of Lords, we enough to abjure the natural creed. heard, on the authority of a venerable and principles of their own order. and emphatically Conservative peer, Some, as mere traitors to principle, in such a report of the horrid Radicalgratification of their own vanity, and ism which he himself heard bandied as a solitary means of gaining a dis- to and fro at the fireplace in the tinction, have professed themselves House, as fills us with awe for the apChartists : more, perhaps; have done proach of any great collision between this as pure simpletons, accustomed ihe Conservative and destroying forces to view every thing printed in a book

of this country. as somehow imaginary and never So much it was necessary to say, meant to be realized. But there are in order to show the real value and cases before us more flagrant than this. purport of what is meant by the LanThere are men both in and out of the cashire rioters in threatening us withi House, who, under the notion of a the “five points.” Very many peocapital row, or a “famous lark," ple have never cared to enquire into would cry, “ Go it!" to any possible the nature of these points. Had the insurrection; as amongst the Buc- points been two, they might have lisaniers, from mere monotony and tened to :—but five-all, of course, ab: tædium vitæ, during their long inter- stract “ rights of man"-that was too spaces of dull inaction, some were much for patience. Far less will be always found ready to propose a a considerate man's patience, when plot for firing the powder magazine he does understand them; and when

never alleging any other reason he sees that every one of the five has than that thus “they would ride to the sole object of “packing" a pauper h-11 on such a glorious blaze." and mob.dependent House of ComThese, it may be hoped, are few : but mons, without opening for challenge the numbers of needy people, origin- on the part of property, and under ally well-educated and well-connect- summary orders to do the bidding (as ed, who have suffered, in the want of they take the wages) of the sovereiga suitable employment, a total dissolu- people.

This it was necessary to tion of principles not less than has expose, in order to show the difference been produced by decay of wages of this insurrection from all former amongst the working orders, are now insurrections, even when they have

* Say that this were five : for in order to have the whole amount of fighting men from any given multitude, including both sexes and all ages, in order, therefore, to intercept all males from sixteen to sixty, it is usual to take four as the divisor. But ini this case, when the limits are narrower by twenty-one to sixty-three, and with the exclusion of debtors, malefactors, idiots, and insane, perhaps five would be a fair divisor.

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been anti-social, like the jacquerie. cumstances under which the movement Almost universally, indeed, it may be began; 2dly, The kind of opposition said—that in other ages, where politi- by which it was faced ; 3dly, The cal insurrections have arisen, this main overt act by which it has been irregularity has been due to the want supported. of any natural organ in the political As to the first, we bad collected system for expressing the popular (but omit from the pressure of time) voice through a legitimate channel. a series from all the chief trading With the rise of representative go- towns of England in the week of the vernments, all excuse ceases for ap. explosion, and in the week next bepeals by direct insurrection.

fure the explosion, proclaiming as replies the Lancashire mob, "the festal news, with one voice from every House of Commons will not receive county, the certain revival of trade or discuss our petitions." “No!" -hursting forth as genially as a Swewe rejoin, “and impossible you your dish vernal season and also the sure selves make it that they should. You prospect of a glorious harvest. Su say at intervals, Your honourable much for the excuses urged on the House, and you call yourselves 'pe- ground of distress! titioners ; ' but you describe the House Secondly. To omit many other ne. as in act and deed the most infamous glects, and apparently imbecile comof confederacies, combined for pur- pliances with the mob, indignantly poses of oppression; swindlers, though we ask, and in one voice will the still, by courtesy, all honourable men; whole respectability of the land--why and their enactments, for fifty years was it allowed, that; according to back, as one series of efforts to help notice previously given, the rioters themselves and their connexions, at

should be suffered to move in masses any cost or sacrifice to what you de. from town to town? thus enabling nominate the people. Such petitions them to assume a strength far beyond you know in your hearts were never what they had, and to prepare excuses meant or shaped to be received; and for timid magistrates by counterfeit you had insured beforehand that they dangers. But, when boroughreeves never should be received. You hoped and chief magistrates are corn-lenyuers, in your malice that thus you could what else is to be looked for? The gain a double advantage ; you would soldiers and county magistrates seem have another self-created grievance to uniformly to have behaved with fideliplead--that your petition had not been ty to their duty; the town magistrates received; and you would have discharg- too often with the imbecility of panic, ed upon the House, or upon as many. or (sometimes we fear) of collusion. as had the curiosity to read it, all the Thirdly. We suggest to the Charinsolence which malice could prompt." tists this one consideration :-you, the

This other point we might add, in Chartists, rose (you say) for rights ; which the present riots stand upon a rose as oppressed men ; rose on an different footing from former riots. impulse of natural justice, and with a Heretofore one district, that in which corresponding motto, implying that, the supposed grievance spontaneously wauting only justice for yourselves, moved the rising, was the only one you would respect the rights of all concerned. Frame-breakers went only

other persons.

Fair words ! How through that district of machinery. have you observed them? Fine proThe incendiary conspirators were mises ! How were they fulfilled ? Let more sporadic ; but in that same pro- the answer to this be the warning for portion less gregarious. On this sole the rest of your system and its deluoccasion, we have seen one county sions. You began by robbing whole menacing in mass a movement upon districts ; plundering from bakers and another county; Lancashire upon sellers of other provisions ; levying Yorkshire; Staffordshire and Cheshire from casual passengers money, under upon Lancashire; and so on, until, by bodily fear, on the Queen's high-road; a resolution passed last week, every every one of you, as a party to the county, it seems, is to be visited, at mob, is an accomplice in felonies past least by organizing delegates.

counting ; all of you that cannot prove This brings us to the three capital personal absence is a debtor, if chalpoints in the conduct on both sides lenged by any of your plundered vic(the motions and the counter-motions) tims, to the penalty of transportation attending these riots; Ist, The cir- -some for fifteen years, some for life

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