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THE revolution of 1848 has recoiled with disastrous ruin on the cause of human freedom. It lies crushed beneath the fragments created by its own explosion.

The result of that stupendous outburst is now before us, real, palpable, complete. The victors have secured their footing—and already look for the signal of a new onset.

What that result is, who have gained by it, against whom is the power of the victors directed, are momentous inquiries for the free people of the world.

I insist

That the issue of that eventful struggle has been to upset the balance of power in Europe in favor of Russia:

That it has decisively overthrown the cause of popular liberty, and driven for their security all the despotic powers of Europe under the protectorate of Russia:

That this union in her hands of preponderating power, and of the recognized lead of the despotic

powers in the war of freedom has inaugurated the Dictatorship of Russia in Europe:

That this power must from necessity, on principle, and by inclination, be devoted to the ruin of all free governments: that it is absolutely inconsistent with the existence of the English monarchy and the American Republic as free popular representative governments: and that they will be compelled sooner or later to defend by force of arms their freedom and independence against the intrigues, the diplomacy, the legislation, the hostilities of the despotic powers of Europe:

That it is, therefore, the part of wisdom to be prepared for the advent of the inevitable day, and ready to seize the first favorable conjuncture to strike in common the first blow, and so to strike that it may be the last:

That such a course is the dictate of sound policythe policy followed by our foes and the cause of their present triumph:

That this is the policy of President Washington— illustrated by his conduct, and consecrated by his parting address-adopted by President Monroere-affirmed by President Adams-reiterated by President Polk-the traditional policy and the only safe policy of this Republic:

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That the question we have to decide is not whether we will live in peace and repose, or gratuitously go on a crusade for liberty throughout the world, but the absolute certainty of a contest with the combined powers of despotism being apparent— shall we wait till those powers, having utterly rooted

out free governments from Europe, shall turn their might for our destruction, alone and without allies;or shall we now seize the first opportunity of a decisive outbreak in Europe to aid the cause of freedom with arms and money, fight our battle by the armies of European revolutionists on the field of Europe, and by the aid of our allies for ever settle the question between freedom and despotism.

The only alternatives are war, in Europe, now, with allies—and war hereafter, on our own soil, without allies.

Thrice since the days of Charlemagne has Europe been threatened with universal empire:-but never has the danger been so immediate, so threatening, so irresistible as now.

Charles V. united beneath his massive sceptre Spain and Italy and Germany and the Netherlands, and supported his mighty armies from the gold and the commerce of the colonies of the Eastern and the Western Indies. England and France alone existed to oppose him. But the reformation divided his people, and raised foes of his household, and opened the door to foreign intervention which was used with decisive effect. His death divided his empire. The wars of the reformation impaired the unity of power in the hands of his successors. After the death of Philip II. the cloud melted away from the sky of Europe and men breathed more freely. The great war of opinion in matters of religion in Germany, aided by the arms of France and England, rescued the liberties of Europe from the fate of those of Castile. The spirit of bigotry and the wasting hand of

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