right, their confident trust that a 'monarch' will not be stopped by a majority of a chamber of deputies,' which being translated means a House of Commons ;-and then let him consider whe ther he will be duped like his predecessors, into a belief that this is no business of his own, and that it is all one to him whether arbitrary power on the other side of eight leagues of water, is successful or defeated. The case of France is here taken, as being the nearest and of most magnitude. But to every other struggle for political freedom, the same inference is applicable. The English artizan, the labourer, the husbandman, is wretched because his father was gulled into the enormous insanity, of huzzaing for the slavery of countries on the other side the sea; and the best way in which the spread of knowledge can have exerted itself, will be if it has taught him, that the interest of freedom any where, is the interest of free men every where, that political liberty is like water, a thing not to be gathered up in heaps, but only to be raised in a particular place by raising it through all the level of the rest. If through the tricks of the English absolutists, a free constitution is broken up, for instance, in Portugal,-they laugh, because they know it has a final bearing on some possible infliction on present or future Englishmen. The opportunity may not be actually cut and dried; it may be among things yet unborn, and the men may be yet unborn who are to make use of it. But, first or last, it is an addition to the grand family estate of English absolutism, It is a feather in the cap of the brotherhood of absolutists throughout the world. Every man of them has a fillip from it, and conveys the adventitious vigour to his posterity. And by the same token, every blow given to the attempts of arbitrary power, even though on so remote and insulated a point of the field of action as Terceira,-makes a Jacobite of the nineteenth century 'rise with a crick in his neck' for at least the next week, and pulls down something of the triumph with which the giant would otherwise proceed upon his course. The people of England have still a hankering after freedom every where. They have been bought up, but not all. Their country is the headquarters, the citadel, the hope and trust, of despotism throughout the world; but there are dissentients in the camp, men base enough to wish and sigh for the success of liberty abroad, for the sake of the small reversion that may ultimately follow to themselves. Foreigners are wrong if they despise individual Englishmen, on account of the numberless acts of sly and fraudulent hostility to freedom, which mark the proceedings of their nation. They are not free agents. Wherever the feelings of an individual, not acting under the impulse of power, can

be displayed, they are, three times out of four, in favour of the principles of universal justice. But this individual lives under a government that is fearfully and wonderfully made, for the purpose of securing the direction of all public acts by the will of a minority. There is a private John Bull, and a public John Bull; and it would be a burning shame to condemn the first for the offences of the other. If the Representative' ever makes communications to his constituents in return, let him tell them this. Let him assure them that an abstract Englishman ought not to be tossed in a blanket in Portugal, for having inveigled honest men into the dungeons of a tyrant, nor spit upon in Mexico for cutting the sinews of her defence under the guise of a neutrality. These are all acts with which the mass of English had nothing to do but to obey.' A Briton blusters, and calls himself free, when he is among foreigners with whom he thinks he may take liberties without fear of being found out; but it would be very hard to make him personally amenable to the consequences of his rhodomontade. It is not his interest that is concerned, in giving sneaking assistance to arbitrary sovereigns in all quarters of the globe; nor is it his fault, if the security of slavery in the colonies, made it necessary to give foul play to the Mexicans, by pinioning the arms of one combatant and letting loose the other. The existence of colonial slavery is to himself a bitter draught. He pays for it daily and hourly; it is in his path and about his bed; in his wife's tea-cup, and at the bottom of his children's apple pie; and it would be hard that after being made to pay for the primary evil, he should be individually responsible for the consequence.

The Prospectus (which by itself makes a pamphlet of eight pages) begins by stating the unanimity with which, for the last fifteen years, the inhabitants of all the civilized countries of the continent have moved in pursuit of improvement in their government, and the exertions by which what are called sound monarchical doctrines' have been pushed forward in opposition to their demands. On which ensues the following very descriptive, passage.

En vertu de ces doctrines, les rois seuls ont des droits; la loi, c'est le bon plaisir; le peuple n'a que des devoirs: obéir et payer, sans murmures et sans plainte, ou passer par les armes, voilà la destinée à laquelle ses dominateurs le condamnent; et ces faux dieux disent "tout est bien !" et ils le font proclamer par leurs agents, dans l'intérieur, au milieu du silence général! et ils le font répéter par leurs ambassadeurs, aux gouvernements étrangers, et souvent leur or prodigué à la vénalité, crée au milieu des peuples étrangers des échos de l'imposture! et

les opprimés sont abandonnés à leur malheur, comme indignes de la liberté, parce qu'on les représente comme patients, satisfaits même sous la tyrannie!

Ce tableau est d'une vérité incontestable. N'est-ce pas ce que nous entendons dire chaque jour du Portugal, de l'Espagne, de l'Italie et d'autres pays encore? les peuples de ces contrées n'ayant d'organes, ni chez eux, ni chez les étrangers, ne peuvent rectifier les erreurs involontaires et les jugements hasardés, ni démentir les calomnies intéressées de leurs ennemis, et sont condamnés, sur les écrits erronés d'observateurs superficiels, ou sur les mensonges diplomatiques de leurs oppresseurs.

Under such circumstances it is manifestly a high honour, that England should hold out those faculties of communication and reciprocal information, which her happier situation enables her to extend; and should perform that office to the civilized world, which Holland, Switzerland, and the early American settlements, have on different occasions discharged in her own case, in her periods of darkness and discomfiture.

In consequence of the near coincidence of the times of publication (the first appearance of the Représentant' being announced for the 27th of March) the specimen which has been obtained of the first number has been disjointed and imperfect, and such as to make it very possible that alterations in arrangement or in matter may take place, at a period, in French intelligence particularly, so fertile in events and expectations. But, with the reservation of such alterations, the contents are nearly as follows.

The first article is a Letter on the project for raising the Prince of Saxe Cobourg to the throne of Greece; which,

* In virtue of these doctrines, kings are the only persons who have any rights; the law is their good pleasure; the people, have nothing but duties; to obey and pay their money, without either murmurs or com plaint, or else be put to the sword,-this makes the lot their rulers condemn them to. And all the while, these sham gods say "All's Well"; and they get their agents to cry out so in the interior of their countries, amidst the silence of every body else; and they have it repeated by their ambassadors to foreign governments, and often contrive to get up an echo of the imposture in foreign countries, by the gold they throw to such as are ready to receive it; and the sufferers are left to their misfortune, as undeserving freedom, because they are represented as patient, and even satisfied under the tyranny.

No man can say this picture is not true. Is not it what we hear said every day of Portugal, Spain, Italy, and more places besides? The people of these countries having no means of making themselves heard either at home or abroad, have no chance of either rectifying unintentional mistakes and hasty opinions, or of giving the lie to the interested calumnies of their enemies; and are condemned on the blundering accounts of superficial observers, or the diplomatic falsehoods of their oppressors,'

whether it is to be considered as authentic or a jeu d'esprit of the author, says what ought to be said upon that subject, with much point and effectiveness. A translation is subjoined of the whole; and it seems needless to give the original of what can so easily be referred to. Could no form of government be found, better than a monarchy? Or was the object to provide a point

Cephalonia, 20 Feb. 1830.

It appears that the fate of our country is at last decided. Agreeably to the principles of modern politics, every body has been consulted on this decision, except those who are most interested in it, namely we poor Greeks. One remark naturally occurs to all minds, and disgusts them all. It is, that ever since the commencement of our struggle, in the days of our greatest dangers and bitterest sufferings, for the seven wretched years that we were fighting, with alternations which often threw doubt on the final issue of our insurrection, and when an enlightened and generous interference would have stopped the effusion of blood, and hastened, without the possibility of any thing preventing it, our re-appearance as a nation on the scene of politics,-all the governments either were in favour of our oppressors, or if they remained neuter, were not the less decided in expressing their disapprobation of our attempt. It was only when the continuation of the war had shown our determination to triumph or to perish, and when the chances of success were found to be in our favour, that the govern ments condescended at last to take some notice of us, and changed from indifference that had the effects of hostility, to neutrality, and from nentrality to interference. From that instant it was clear that they were look ing for an excuse to call themselves our deliverers, in order to impose on us another kind of bondage; and I foresaw the winding-up with which we are threatened at this moment.

This winding-up, is the formation into a monarchy, of the countries which composed the ancient republics of Greece. Is the monarchical system suited to the different people of these countries? They are told, without further inquiry, that it must suit them whether they will or no.

What are to be the forms of this monarchy? What are to be the limits of the power of the king? What are to be the constitutional rules for his governinent? What part, in short, are the people to have in the settling of their own affairs? Nobody can tell a word. The masters of our fate appear to have seen no use in troubling themselves with these matters of theory, which they think, besides, are in opposition to the real principles of monarchical government. They appear to have believed the system was, complete in these words, "The Greeks shall have a king!"

To be of a piece, the same sound sense and good discretion was to be displayed in the selection of the king. It is well known that when a crown is to be given away, there is no want of persons to consent to take it. There might have been some found in Greece itself, in spite of the republican feelings of its inhabitants. But to have taken a Greek, would have looked like acknowledging a right of the people. It would have had the appear ance of declaring, that a king ought to belong to the country that he governs. In short it would have been possible, by bare chance, to have fallen on such a thing as a patriot king. To avoid these three risks, it has been decided that the king of the Greeks was not to be a Greek..

As Germany is the only place left, where true theories of the feudal system are taught in combination with sound doctrines on the monarchical principle, it is to Germany that the hunters for stuff to make kings of, have

of appui for the spirit of change, whenever the time comes for the breaking up of the great frost in which the continent has been bound so long?

The second article is on the present state of the Netherlands; and contains one remarkable intimation, supported by tokens

turned their eyes; and to complete the business, it is the Prince of Saxe Cobourg who, according to report, has got the suffrages of the august electors on his side.

When this name comes to be proclaimed in Greece, it will be the first time it was ever heard of there. am aware, that under average circumstances, there might be something lucky in the accession of a prince, of whom nobody had ever said a word; but under the particular circumstances of the present case, this does not seem to hold quite good. Perhaps it would have been as well, that the name announced should not have been entirely unknown to all the population. Not that there was any necessity for its being one distinguished for splendour of talents or military glory; all that, is not required to make a good king, and very often makes a very bad one. It would have been enough, if it had been one that had been heard sometimes in connexion with the names of the earliest, the most unwearied, and most generous friends of Greece. But I am falling into the mistake of assuming, that to be a king, there ought to be some affection for those who are to be the subjects. The monarchy-makers of our times consider this as an absurdity in theory, and give good proof of it in their practice.

However this may be, my countrymen and myself are unable to account for the preference that has been given to Prince Leopold. It surely is not meant as a compliment due to his birth. We do not deny that the Prince of Saxe Cobourg is a younger son of very good family; but we may be allowed to say, that we have still left among ourselves some eldest sons of houses as good as his, and that there would have been no great difficulty in finding an individual in Europe, who, upon this head, as upon many others, would have had more title to the respect of the leaders of the Greeks.

If to all this is added the difference of ideas, of language, and of religion, mankind might be tempted to suppose that the authors of this project had intended to proclaim to the world, that a king ought to have nothing in common with his people; if not to try how far it was possible to push the opposition between them, on all imaginable points.

One thing I am very sure of,-that the trial is a dangerous one, and the makers had best take care of the consequences. The natural sequence of things, under such a settlement, will be as follows;-Distrust, disunion, misunderstanding, impediments to the public service, public business badly carried on, discontent, severities, resistance, fighting, destruction of the machine of government, and so on. And instead of attributing these wretched consequences to their true causes, namely the ignorance, the hatred of liberal principles amounting to idiocy, of five or six bad ministers, the cry will be loudly set up that the Greeks are a race without knowledge, without gratitude, enemies of all order, unworthy of freedom, and the yoke of the Turks is the only government that they are fit for.

I hope it may not yet be too late for wholesome consideration, on the part of at least one government. If this hope fails, I beg the prince who is to have the crown of Greece, to consult some persons acquainted with the country. Their advice will lead him, I am sure, to prefer the tranquillity and advantages of his present rank, to the perilous honour of