ART. IV.-SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES. 1. Remarks of the Hon. JOHN C. CALHOUN, at the meeting of the citizens of Charleston, 9th March, 1847. 2. Rapport sur l'esclavage aux Colonies; par M. LE DUC DE BROGLIE, President de la Commission Coloniale. 1842. 3. Rapport sur les questions Coloniales; par M. JULES LE CHEVALIER. 4. Report to the House of Commons from the Select Committee on West India Colonies, together with the minutes of evidence. 1842. 5. Esclavage et Traite; par AGENOR DE GASPARIN. 6. Colonies Etrangères et Haiti; par VICTOR SCHO ELCHER. 7. Colonies Françoises; par VICTOR SCHOELCHER. 8. Cuba, with Notices of Porto Rico. By DAVID TURNBULL, M.A. THE most careless observer must perceive, that the period for the solution of the different questions arising from the existence of negro slavery in the United States, cannot be long deferred. The agitation on this subject, every suc ceeding year, wears an aspect more and more threatening to the stability of their institutions. From an obscure sect, the abolitionists have become a powerful and organized party, with sufficient influence to control important elections, and with sufficient authority to make a deep impression upon the councils of the government. Those portions of the non-slaveholding communities in the Union, which have refused to recognize any party relation with them, and which justly apprehend the consequences of their agitation, have manifested a strong sympathy with their professed objects, and a concurrence in many of their leading opinions. Of late, the points of union between the different parties in those States on this subject, have become more prominent and important, than their divisions. There is an indication that a principle will be found upon which the conflicting portions will harmonise, and that unity of purpose and conduct will be attained. We do not expect any further displays of fanatical excitement; we do not anticipate any more outrages upon the public sense of decency or decorum in their meetings or publications. We suppose the Southern States will be exempted from the annoyances of incendiary publications, and that Congress will not be inundated with abolition petitions. On the other hand, we expect a steady and sustained effort to change the laws upon the subject of the recovery of fugitive slaves; for the adoption of the Wilmot Proviso; for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia; and for a prohibition of the removal of slaves for sale between the States. These efforts will be made in Congress, and will meet with the sanction of large and continually growing parties in the country and in that assembly. We have said that this tendency in Northern opinions to harmonise, has been increasing for many years past. The collisions between the different sections of the Union upon questions of domestic policy, and still more, the rival claims of their politicians for consideration and preferment, naturally produced such a result. These would not have left any lasting consequences, had there not been other causes actively in operation. One of the most immediate and powerful of these, is the existing war with Mexico, and the circumstances which afforded occasion for it. The annexation of Texas to the United States, was very far from being satisfactory to the Northern people. When it was accomplished, they agreed to bear with it, but the measure excited no expressions of enthusiasm in those States, and the opposition was undisguised and vehement. The Northern people had been warned that "new States are springing up too fast; for in these there must exist from the nature of the case, an excess of adventurous and daring spirits, whose influence over the Government cannot but be perilous for a time; and it is madness to add to us a new nation to increase the wild impulses-the half-civilized forces which now mingle with our national legislation." Besides, they were told, "to unite with Texas would be to indentify ourselves with a mighty wrong-for such was the seizure of that province by a horde of adventurers. It would be to insure the predominance of the slave power, to make slavery a chief national interest, and to pledge us to the continually increasing prostitution of the national power to its support. It would be to begin a career of encroachment on Mexico, which would corrupt and dishonor us; would complicate and disturb the movements of government; would create a wasteful patronage and enlarge the military establishments." These impressive admonitions did not fall from the lips of the herd of brawling politicians, Creatures of one mighty sense, They came from the men of the North, whose counsels were most respected and whose words will find an audience in the latest posterity. They had the power to postpone for years, the consummation of the measure of annexation, and caused the public mind to stagger under the weight of the responsibility it imposed. A war with Mexico was one of the contingencies that a union with Texas involved. In the opinions of the most of men it was a remote contingency; a contingency that could be removed by conciliatory and soothing treatment towards that republic. This course of conduct seemed to be the natural consequence of our relations with Mexico. The administration which had completed the measures of annexation, was engaged in advance to avert from the nation the calamities of a war, having its origin in this measure. The means of accomplishing this were obvious to all, and therefore the country experienced no disquietude on this subject. We may be allowed to express our regret that the government of the United States did not appreciate its obligations to be what we have indicated. We grieve to say, that in the record of its later transactions with Mexico, we find but few of those terms of conciliation which would have befitted it so well; we find but little of that mild and forbearing conduct which would have set so gracefully upon it. The war, if not solicited, has not been eschewed; if not directly provoked by the acts of the government, it has done nothing to avoid it. The country at large is not satisfied with the necessity for this extreme measure, and hence sectional jealousies and mutual criminations have originated from it, injurious to the peace of the country. The Northern States find themselves involved in this contest, contrary to their principles and interests. They see armies sent to the conquest of an empire as large as the Union, and hear quarrels for the spoils of victory. They read the proclamations of their generals, in which vast provinces with strange names and a barbarous population, are attached to the Union. They witness the accumulation of an immense debt; a profusion of the national resources in a foreign land; the multiplication of offi cers, the enlargement of military establishments, and the assumption of imperial prerogatives by the Executive of the Union. Can we be surprised that they should ponder upon the predictions of their seers, and heed the circumstance of their early fulfilment? The most eminent and virtuous of Southern statesmen, stood in the breach to oppose the precipitation with which this declaration of war was made. Even this, has not been sufficient to assure the Northern States. They regard this war "as designed to insure the predominance of slave power, and as a prostitution of the national power to its support." They therefore, with one voice, return us the declaration contained in the "Wilmot Proviso." We have said that we are not disposed to exaggerate the influence of the controversies on measures of domestic policy, nor of the competitions between political leaders. We do not consider the "Wilmot Proviso" as affording a barrier to concord. We may render it nugatory by refusing to dismember Mexico. We know of no wiser tribute we can render to the stability of our institutions, and none more congenial to the permanent interests of our country, than the adoption of this course of conduct. We can now firmly establish the policy upon which the foreign relations of our country in future shall be conducted. That policy is peace. The introduction of slavery into the discussion of so many and such various subjects, discloses the fact, that there are causes of excitement to the public mind on this subject powerful and pervading, and of constant operation. These causes find their occasion to display themselves upon questions having but a remote connexion with slavery. This leads us to ascertain the facts connected with the abolition movement, and to attempt to define its extent and object. Slavery was the ultimate solution that the ancient world afforded to the difficult and complicated questions that arose from the relations of parent and child; creditor and debtor; the State and offenders against its penal laws, and the conqueror and captive. The superior in each of these relations might terminate his connection with the inferior, by selling him as a slave. The declaration of American independence speaks of man's right to liberty, as "unalienable." The ancient world allowed the sale of freedom. In the palmy days of Roman prosperity it was often done, to escape from the miseries of penury and disease; in the decline of the em pire, slavery was a refuge from the burthensome honors and offices of the State. From these sources slavery was introduced, and its numbers were supplied from the principle that the status of the children was inherited from their parents. Negro slavery was a consequence of the principle that a conqueror might dispose of his conquest according to his pleasure. The right of conquest under the ameliorating influences of Christianity, and an improving civilization, had been greatly abridged in Europe prior to the discovery of America. Pope Alexander III, in the 12th century, had prohibited the sale of Christians into slavery, and this edict was generally recognized as a part of the public law of Western Europe, though occasional instances of its violation may be found several centuries after. The latest we recollect is the sale of the Irish by Cromwell. The African was not comprehended within the benignant principle of the papal decree. He was an infidel. During the century that preceded the discovery of America, Africans were introduced into Europe, and sold as slaves. The first import into America, came from Spain. A royal order dated in the year 1500, authorized their introduction, "provided they had been born among the Christians." In 1503, the Governor of Hispaniola, complained of the influx of negro population, stating that they escaped to the Indians and corrupted their habits. It was not till 1511, that the principle of the slave trade was applied to the colonies. In that year it was ordered, "that means should be provided for transporting a large number of negroes for Guinea to the islands, because one negro could do more work than four Indians." With occasional obstructions, the progress of the trade was steady, and continually enlarging for near three centuries from the date of this order. If the estimate of Sir F. Buxton is accurate, it is more active at this time than ever. In the island of Jamaica, 677,000 were received in the course of the last century. The whole number imported into the English Antilles during the same period, was not less than 2,100,000. Of this number and of their natural increase, only 700,000 remained at the period of emancipation in 1834. Mr. Buxton estimates the sacrifice of three fifths of those who are taken on the African coasts,and that the annual loss of population to Africa, exceeds 500,000. This |