THE MONTHLY REVIEW, For JULY, 1773. ART. I. Conclufion of the Account of Sir John Dalrymple's Memoirs, TH HE papers in this collection, which relate to Lord Ruffel and Algernon Sidney, and which have been thought to make a discovery of improper connexions between these celebrated patriots and the French court, have excited fo general an attention and alarm, that we fhall undoubtedly be expected to lay them before our Readers. To begin with Lord Ruffel, the account of his intercourse with the agent of France is given from three memorials or letters of Monf. Barillon to Louis the Fourteenth, viz. March 14, 1678. "Mr. de Rouvigny has feen Lord Ruffel and Lord Hollis, who were fully fatisfied with the affurance he gave them, that the King (i. e. of France) is convinced it is not his intereft to make the King of England abfolute mafter in his kingdom; and that his Majesty (i. e. of France) would contribute his endeavours to bring about the faappear diffolution of this parliament, as foon as the time should vourable: Lord Ruffel told him he would engage Lord Shaftesbury in this affair, and that he should be the only man to whom he would fpeak of it explicitly; and that they would work under hand to hinder an augmentation of the fum which has been offered for carrying on the war: and would cause to be added to the offer of the million fterling, fuch difagreeable conditions to the King of England, as they hoped would rather make him with to re-unite himself with France than to confent to them. He gave Mr. de Rouvigny to underftand, that he fufpected your Majelty approved of the King of England's declaring war against you, only to give him an opportu nity of obtaining money, and under a promife that, as foon as he Mr. de Rouvigny had got the money, he would conclude a peace. told him, that to fhew him clearly the contrary, I was ready to dif tribute a confiderable fum in the parliament to prevail with it to VOL. XLIX. B refuse refufe any money for the war, and follicited him to name the perfons who might be gained. Lord Ruffel replied, that he. fhould be very forry to have any commerce with perfons capable of being gained by money but he appeared pleafed to fee by this propofal that there is no private understanding between your Majefty and the King of England, to hurt their conflitution: he told Mr. de Rouvigny that he and all his friends wanted nothing further than the diffolution of parliament; that they knew it could only come from the help of France; that fince he affured them it was the defign of your Majefty to affift in it, they would truft him, and would do all in their power to oblige the King of England to ask your friendship once more, and by this means put your Majefty in a ftate to contribute to their fatiffaction: this he affured him would be Lord Shaftesbury's fentiments, who was one of thefe days to fee Mr. de Rouvigny at Lord Ruffel's. Lord Hollis appeared more referved than Lord Ruffel; he appears, like him, to be very glad of your Majefty's good intentions, but he thinks the peace is fo difficult to be made, that he is afraid it will be a long time before your Majefty can be in a condition to give them fatisfaction by getting the parliament diffolved. Mr. de Rouvigny found him fo embittered against the court and the miniftry, that he did not dare to fay any thing to him of the defire which the King of England fhews for peace, left he fhould bring his cabal, from his defire to oppofe all the defigns of the court, to be partizans for And he believes that he only started difficulties about the peace, to engage him to tell what the King of England had faid upon that head. Lord Hollis does not believe they are going to accufe the High Treasurer in the House of Commons; but Lord Ruffel told Mr. de Rouvigny that he had taken the refolution to fupport the affair against the Treasurer, and even attack the Duke of York and all the Catholics. The Houfe of Lords will in all likelihood oppose the House of Commons in this, because the Lords pretend that no one can be excluded from the upper houfe, without being aried in form. The defign of getting the parliament diffolved can not be kept too fecret, because, though it be a thing wifhed by all England, yet if thofe who are at prefent the members knew that it was thought of, they would do all the King of England could wish to hinder the execution of the defign.". the war. March 24, 1678. "I have feen the perfons with whom I have commerce, and Mr. de Rouvigny has feen Lord Hollis and Lord Ruffel: both these and thofe fpeak the fame language, and fay they never pretended to oppofe openly the giving money to the King of England; that this would be a means of drawing upon themfelves the hatred of the people, and the reproach of all that might hereafter happen; that the lower houfe had added to this act claufes fo contrary to the privileges and authority of his Britannic Majefty, that they had hoped neither the Prince nor his minifters would have confented to them, or at least that they would have permitted difficulties to be thrown in the way; but that the avidity for money, and the defire of having troops on foot, which they thought they might difpofe of, had made the minifters pafs the act without any confideration for the true in terefts terests of his Britannic Majelly: that this redoubles their fears of the defigns of the court, with which they are much alarmed: even although they are at this minute perfuaded that your Majesty and the King of England act in concert, they are till under apprehention left the war fhould ferve only to bring them under fubjection. They fee the danger to which they are expofed, but don't know a remedy to fave them from it. However, this cabal is not abfolutely discouraged, and though the Lord High Treasurer firengthens himfelf every day, the others have always for their aim to hinder the parliament granting any more money. They are refolved to feek for every thing that can give the court vexation, to the end that it may foon difmifs them, and that the King of England may have no other money than what may arife from this tax, which will not amount, according to the common opinion, to more than 6co thousand pounds fterling. It will be feen in two days what the House of Commons will do for the cabal opposed to the court, knows well the neceffity of not lofing time, and care is taken to fhew them the importance of it. There is, however, much appearance that the parliament will give the rest of the million which was promifed, and they are working continually to find out a fund for it. I beg your Majesty to believe that I omit nothing which appears to me to be proper to fortify the party that is oppofed to the court in parliament. It is not eafy to fucceed when the King of England conforms himself to all that his fubjects prefcribe to him, even though the most contrary to his intereft. I am perfuaded the High Treafurer believes he may find opportunities, either in peace or war, to put the authority of the King his mafter on a better foot, and that at prefent he thinks it beft to let himself be driven with the torrent.". April 11, 1678. "The heads of the cabal, to wit, the Duke of Buckingham, Lord Shaftesbury, Lord Ruffel, and Lord Hollis, have given me to underftand that there is nothing fo dangerous for them as to leave matters any longer in their prefent incertainty; that the levies are going on, and when there is a fufficient number on foot, the court will attempt every thing that is agreeable to its intereft; that by arrefting the principal perfons, they will put it out of the power of the others to refift, or oppofe themfelves to the defigns of the court; that when England fhall be fubjected at home, the court will carry on a foreign war with the greater facility, and the whole nation being in one way of thinking, the fupplies of men and money for Flanders will be great ; that nothing is more proper to prevent this, than to prefs the declaration of war, and oblige his Britannic Majefty to determine before measures are taken to fupport it. That your Majefty might acquire merit with the whole nation, if you declared that this state of incertainty is not agreeable to you, and that you defire to know whether you are to have peace or war: that in all appearance this ftep will not oblige his Britannic Majefty to declare war if he has not refolved upon it already; and that thofe with whom it is concerted, will by this means know, and make known to their party, that your Majefty not only has no connection with the King of England to op prefs them, but that you will not fuffer him under the pretence of an imaginary war to find means to bring them into fubjection. I did not В 2 controvert controvert this way of reafoning, and have been in fome degree obliged to enter into the fentiments of the Duke of Buckingham, and to pretend to him that I did not think it impoffible your Majefty might order me to speak as he wished. Lord Ruffel propofed the fame thing to Mr. de Rouvigny. I believe, Sire, that their chief motive in this is, to clear up a fufpicion which still remains with fome of them, that your Majefty and the King of England act in concert. Another end they aim at is, to force the court to declare war, and thereby fhelter themselves from the danger, left the army, which is now raifing, fhould be employed to change the form of government in England. They have alfo a view of procuring for the future your Majesty's protection if they are attacked. But I don't yet find them difpofed to enter into formal and immediate engagements, except the Duke of Buckingham, who is more bold than the others, and who believes their real fafety depends on what your Majefty will do in their favour. If I durft exprefs my thoughts to your Majefty, I should think it would not be amifs to fay fomething on your part to his Britannic Majefly, that might show him you don't intend to remain long in an uncertainty as to peace or war. It is easy to foften the language in fpeaking to him, and not force him to declare himself against his inclination; however, enough might be faid to fatisfy those who are under apprehenfions that the court only intends their oppreffion. I I ought to inform your Majefly that all these leaders of party will not be averfe to peace, if they believe that your Majesty will enter into no engagements againit their liberty; on this head I give them all the affurances I can; and the moft fenfible amongst them know well it is not the intereft of France that a King of England fhould be abfolute mafter, and be able to difpofe according to his will of all the power of the nation." Sir John Dalrymple tells us, in his preface, that when he found, in the French difpatches, Lord Ruffel intriguing with the court of Verfailles, and Algernon Sidney taking money from it, he felt very near the fame fhock as if he had seen a fon turn his back in the day of battle. But, notwithstanding the good Baronet was fo deeply affected, it appears to us that there is nothing in the view here given of Lord Ruffel's conduct which can justly be regarded as injurious to his character. Let us confider the state of things at that time, which was in the fpring of the year 1678. Louis the Fourteenth, being disgusted at the marriage of the Prince of Orange with the Princess Mary, the eldest daughter of the Duke of York, had withdrawn Charles the Second's penfion. Charles, upon this, was fo enraged, that he seemed really defirous of entering into measures against the court of France, and of obtaining, from his parliament, a large fupply and a large army for that purpose. The French monarch took, therefore, the alarm, and used his utmoft endeavours to prevent the accomplishment of the King of England's apparent defigns. The English patriots, for very different reasons, were equally folicitous to obftruct the views of 1 their fovereign. They knew the iniquity of Charles's schemes; they knew that there could be no dependence upon the fincerity of his profeffions, with regard to oppofing the power of France; they knew that he could not be trufted with an army; and that, if he obtained one, he would apply it, if poffible, to the total ruin of the civil and religious liberties of this country. Accordingly they acted a wife and honeft part in doing their utmoft to hinder the King from gaining the command of a powerful army, and they had a right to take the methods which were the most likely to render their attempts fuccefsful. As, therefore, there happened to be a temporary coalition of interefts between them and the court of Verfailles, they were justified in endeavouring to convert this coalition to the most valuable purposes. It appears, from every circumftance in thefe dispatches of Barillon, that the view of Lord Ruffel and his friends, in nego. ciating with France, was not to betray, but to fave the nation. With regard to Lord Ruffel in particular, we find his honour was fuch, that he would have no commerce with perfons capable of being gained by money. Thus, if we were to make the worst of thefe papers, his integrity ftands unimpeached. Neither do we confider him as guilty of that indifcretion which Sir John Dalrymple feems willing to fasten upon him. He did not even go fo far as to converse with Barillon, though he might honourably and prudently have done it, for the benefit of his country. His fole intercourse was with Rouvigny, who was his intimate friend, a near relation of Lady Ruffel, a worthy man, and a strict Proteftant. With fuch a perfon Lord Ruffel might enter into a more free correfpondence than he would probably do with Barillon. It ought to be remembered, that Barillon's account, if any part of it fhould, after all, be thought difadvantageous to Lord Ruffel's memory, is not derived from his own perfonal knowledge; and he may, very naturally, be fuppofed to have reprefented the matter in the way that would be moft agreeable to his private views and interefts. The excellency of Lord Ruffel's character ftands upon fuch undeniable proofs; it was fo nobly confirmed by the tenor of his life and his death; that no teftimony of a corrupt French ambaffador can in the leaft fhake his reputation. What we have here advanced will proportionably apply to the other noblemen mentioned by Barillon, and especially to Lord Holles and Lord Shaftesbury. We shall next lay before our Readers fome extracts from the letters in which Barillon gives an account of the connections he had with Algernon Sidney, and other English patriots, together with the ftate of the fums of money which they are faid to have received. |