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gestion. When Panama recently appealed to Argentina, denying the validity of the decision of the United States concerning territory under dispute with Costa Rica, Secretary of State Hughes willingly sent all documents in the case to the Argentine authorities. Unity of family groups among nations can do only good so long as they are based on justice and good will, not for themselves alone but for the rest of the world.

Sources of Further Information on Pan Americanism vs.
Pan Latinism

Altamira, RAFAEL: España en América.
ARAQUISTAIN, Luís: El Peligro Yanquí.

BERENGUER, FERNANDO: El Hispano-Americanismo.
BLANCO-FOMBONA: Grandes Escritores de América.

BULNES, FRANCISCO: Las Grandes Mentiras de Nuestra Historia.
Calderón, F. GARCÍA: La Creación de un Continente, Wilsonismo.
ENRÍQUEZ R. DE ZAYAS: "La Nueva Democracia," August, 1920.
GARRIGO, ROQUE E.: América para los Americanos.
GAXIOLA, JOSÉ: La Frontera de la Raza.

GIBERGA, ELISEO: El Pan Americanismo y el Pan Hispanismo.
GODOY, F. GARCÍA: Literatura Americana de Nuestros Días.
LOBO, HELIO: Causas Diplomáticas.

MANERO, ANTONIO: México y la Solidaridad Americana.

ORTIZ, FERNANDO: La Reconquista de la América.

PINOCHET, TANCREDO: The Gulf of Misunderstanding.

POSADA, ADOLFO: En América, una Campaña.

Pereyra, CarLOS: El Crimen de Woodrow Wilson.

PRADO, EDUARDO: A Ilusao Americano.

PRADA, JAVIER: La Nueva Epoca y los Destinos Históricos de

los Estados Unidos.

RODÓ, JOSÉ ENRIQUE: Ariel.

UGARTE, M.: El Porvenir de la América Latina.

VARGAS VILA, J. M.: Ante los Barbaros.

World Peace Foundation: The New Pan Americanism, Part II. Files of Inter-America and La Reforma Social.

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Let us, in conclusion, glance at the past and then look for a moment at the possible future of inter-American relations. The cool monopolizing of the name "American" by the people of the United States alone shows how difficult it is for us to include in our consciousness the other twenty American republics. Many even of the great North American advocates of world brotherhood pass by Hispanic America as though it did not exist. There may have been excuses for this in the past, but certainly there is none today and the continuance of such an attitude involves a tremendous peril.

The rest of the world is watching these growing young nations with the deepest interest, recognizing the far-reaching developments that already foretell the important place these countries are to occupy in future world life. On the other hand, the rest of the world is coming to count North America's attitude toward these nearest neighbors as the best interpretation of our whole national life. We cannot render the service we should in bringing about world brotherhood until we have set our own house in order. It ought to be of profound concern to every North American that one of the best known poems in Latin America, a favorite recitation even for school children, is one by the celebrated Rubén Darío, the following being a partial translation of this awful indictment of North American Materialism, dedicated to President Roosevelt :

"Tis only with the Bible and Walt Whitman's verse,
That you the mighty hunter are reached by other men.
You're primitive and modern, you're simple and complex,
A veritable Nimrod, with aught of Washington.

You are the United States.

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You are the future foe

Of free America that keeps its Indian blood,

That prays to Jesus Christ, and speaks in Spanish still.
You are a fine example of a strong and haughty race,
The United States are rich; they're powerful and great;
They join the cult of Mammon to that of Hercules,

And when they stir or roar the very Andes shake ***
And though you count on all, one thing is lacking-God!"
Version of E. C. Hills.

Latin America did not always think of us in that way. In the early days of her struggle into national life she admired us and looked forward to an American. Union. The great Bolívar called the Panama Congress in 1826 to form an American League of Nations, and said:

"When more favorable circumstances afford us more frequent communications and closer relations, we shall hasten, with the liveliest interest, to set on foot, on our part, the American covenant, which by forming one political body of all our republics, shall present America to the world with an aspect of majesty and greatness without parallel among the ancient nations. America, thus united, will be able to call herself the queen of nations, the mother of republics.”

That wonderful spirit of the South was matched by an equally great champion of American Unity in the North, the indomitable Henry Clay, who, in urging Congress to recognize the struggle of the Spanish colonies, said:

"In the establishment of the independence of Spanish America the United States has the deepest interest. I have no hesitation in asserting my firm belief that there is no question in the foreign policy of this country which has ever arisen or can arise in the decision of which we can have so much at stake. This interest affects our politics, our commerce, our navigation. These Spanish-American governments, once independent, will be animated by an American feeling and guided by an American policy. *** We are their great example. Of us they constantly speak as of brothers, having a similar origin. They adopt our principles, copy our institutions and often employ the very language and sentiments of our revolutionary papers."

Unfortunately these words of Clay ceased to be true after the Mexican War, which clearly marked the time when to a large extent they ceased to "constantly speak of us as brothers." A decade later the expeditions of the filibuster Walker to Central America drove a number of the southern republics into an alliance against the "Manifest Destiny" program of their northern neighbor. A series of incidents in our relations with Chile, including our favoring more consideration for Peru, when she was conquered by Chile, our compelling an apology for the killing of the sailors of the "Baltimore" and the brusque forcing of payment of the Alsop Claim, set that country and her very strong influence in Ecuador and Colombia against us. The Spanish American War, instead of appealing to Latin America as a. demonstration of our idealism, seemed to her the act of a bully attacking a weak, exhausted neighbor for commercial advantages, and gave rise to an influential school of advocates of Pan Hispanism. The Platt Amendment and the occupation of Porto Rico and the Philippines were to them clear proof of this. The protection of Panama if its revolution against Colombia and the securing of the Canal Zone without recompense to Colombia; the interference in the internal affairs of Central America, with the permanent establishment of a guard of marines in Nicaragua and the violation of rights of other Central American nations by the Bryan-Chamorro treaty with Nicaragua; the Lodge Amendment, prohibiting all Latin American nations from exercising sovereignty in disposing of their national domain; the forcible establishment of a protectorate over Haiti; the establishment of a military government in Santo Domingo; the capture of Vera Cruz and the Pershing Expedition into Mexico-these are the outstanding explanations for the prejudice as expressed by the poet Dario and by many others, as pointed out in the course of this discussion.

If one were addressing the Hispanic Americans, he would point out the vitally erroneous interpretation they put on many of these events, and they would set over against them our mediation in the war between Spain and her former colonies in 1870; our action forcing the withdrawal of French troops from Mexico; our protection of Venezuela

from European aggression; the freeing of Cuba; our contribution to order, education and civilization in the Caribbean, and many other services rendered to our less powerful neighbors. Just now, however, we are talking to ourselves; not for defense or for tickling our vanity, but for selfexamination and an understanding of how we appear to our neighbors. This is no pleasant task, but since those of us who live among our southern neighbors must continually hear such criticism, it is probably not more than just that those at home should face up to it once in a while.

In 1914, after living in this atmosphere of suspicion in Mexico for ten years, I visited practically all the other Latin American countries and found the same suspicion as in Mexico. I came to the conclusion that this distrust was the greatest hindrance in the development of North American spiritual, commercial and intellectual influence in the South and that there was no more important service than that of breaking down this "middle wall of partition.'

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On my next visit to South America, in 1917, I found a most encouraging change in the situation. Our entrance into the World War, with its unselfish implications, had convinced our southern neighbors that we were really idealistic. "American Solidarity" was the expression most often heard. Even the university students, who had been the most violent anti-Yankees, now showed themselves especially cordial. As a result of meetings with the students in Chile, where Yankeephobia had been most noticeable, they later sent a representative to this country. It was my pleasant duty to help outline his itinerary for a visit to the North American colleges to consult with students as to what the students of the two countries might do toward bringing their peoples nearer together. The growing cordiality between the two nations is notable. Chile recently placed a loan in the United States. This new drawing together is typical of the whole of America. It is the outstanding happening in Pan American relations during the last twenty years.

Even Rubén Darío changes his attitude of indignation toward the Colossus and more recently has sung:

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