loyal Protestant gentlemen, supposes that they are the best supporters of the English church, and the fittest agents in the preservation of the connexion; and he may suppose that after these kingdoms had emancipated themselves from the dark and degrading bondage of the Church of Rome and its priesthood, that it is liberality to forget the victory that has been achieved, and to be insensible of the benefits which that glorious victory has conferred.

He may agree in opinion with the priests, that the Bible should be a sealed book to the people, or with my Lord Cloncurry, he may think, that all Protestant sympathies for the spiritual interests of the Roman Catholics should remain inactive; that we should bury under the earth the talent which our divine Redeemer has intrusted us with to be used for his glory, and to multiply the inheritors of his heavenly kingdom, and that without making one single effort to enlighten our ignorant Roman Catholic countrymen, we should consign the unfortunate peasant and his child to the dark and superstitious instruction of the priest-banish our Bibles from the national schools, as objects hateful to their spiritual vision, and leave them to substitute for its inspired and holy doctrines such traditions as they, in their piety and wisdom, may deem it expedient to promulge.

Lord Mulgrave may, in some entranced vision of his political slumbers, dream that the influence of Mr. O'Connell is a better agent in preserving the tranquillity of the country, than the power of the law; that Popery is a better link to bind the countries together than Protestantism; that Popish radicals are more attached to England and her religion, than our loyal

Protestant gentlemen; that an Irish peasant is the best judge of the qualifications of a member of parliament; that the wisdom, knowledge, and purity of purpose of those who return our representatives, are in the inverse ratio of their elevation in the social and intellectual scale; that it is by the very lowest classes of society that our corporations should be ruled; and that the efficient power of constituting our House of Commons should be vested in Popish and priest-ridden peasants, and not in the Protestant and Roman Catholic gentry of the country.

Unfortunately too, some of our Protestant gentlemen seem to hold such sentiments, in common with the Viceroy, and who, under the now miscalled appellation of LIBERALS, have, since the passing of the Relief Bill given in their adhesion to the cause of Radicalism and Popery. By these means some have retained their inglorious situations under the government; others have obtained situations, and not a few of the most distinguished, aided by the priests, have travelled the broad way to the doors of the Imperial Parliament.

Little do such LIBERALS know how much they are the scorn and the scoff of their priestly masters-at present they are tolerated, being the blind and subservient tools of the priests who have returned them; and as they give an air of respectability to the faction, serving as stalking-horses to mask the movements of the enemy, that is stealing into the citadel. Englishman is also deceived in seeing them in company with the Radical, and trudging along, side by side with him in the cause of Popery and sedition.

The

When the time is ripe for ulterior measures, those liberal gentlemen will necessarily shrink from the new

services that will then be expected of them; they will then, like the late member for Carlow, become some of Mr.O'Connell's "incomprehensibles;" and being thrown aside, with derision and contempt, for fitter and more servile tools, their places will be supplied by the cowboy representatives of HIS GRACE, ("heaven save the mark") The Most Illustrious Dr. M'Hale,* the real Archbishop of Tuam.

* This meek and apostolic gentleman has now formally assumed the title of Archbishop of Tuam, and has published letters in the newspapers under the sign ature John Tuam, without any notice having been taken of it by the Government, The following extract from a speech made by a parish priest of the name of Hughes, fully unfolds the views and purposes of these reverend gentlemen,-it of course was not spoken unadvisedly:

"Sir William Brabazon, M.P. was chairman of the Mayo County Meeting to address the Queen, but which the High Sheriff, Sir William O'Malley, declined holding from the fictitious list of signatures sent to him. On this occasion the Rev. M. Hughes, P.P. referring to Dr. Mac Hale's name in the requisition said— 'Dr. Mac Hale was an Archbishop of the Province, and had a title to the precedence accordingly--(hear.) Whether he or the Protestant Archbishop of Tuam was entitled to the first place, was a question so nice that he would not attempt to discuss it—(hear.) Their adversaries, however, allowed that he was an Archbishop, and by the courtesy of several centuries, an Archbishop was entitled to rank after a Duke. Now, as there was only one Irish Duke, and that one not connected with Connaught, it followed that Dr. Mac Hale was entitled to hold the first place on the requisition.'

CHAPTER III.

MR. O'CONNELL.

In writing on the state of Ireland, and observing on the lawlessness of the people, their systematic opposition to the law, the appalling crimes that are daily committed, the revolutionary opinions that are now so especially prevalent, and the undisguised efforts of the priests to establish the Roman, on the ruins of the Church of England, it is impossible to avoid noticing the chief performer in the political tragic drama that is now acting in Ireland. It is, notwithstanding, a subject I approach with great distaste and reluctance. It is difficult to write of Mr. O'Connell: one knows not how to handle such a subject-he is like to none other, "none but himself can be his parallel.” He is so hardened in recklessness, so regardless of the usual forms of good breeding, so apparently callous to the various well merited censures he has received, so insensible to the peculiar position in which he has placed himself, so coarse and vituperative in assailing others, careless alike of what he does or of what he says, or of the mode of expression he employs, that he cannot be met in the usual style of political controversy.

To enter into a contest with such an antagonist, is like wrestling with some unseemly object, by which

you were certain to be soiled, even though victorious in the contest. He himself too, always fights under the black banner professing to give no quarter: and if in no other respect, he is, at least in this, faithful to his promise. He habitually applies the most offensive epithets to those who differ from him-neither rank nor character, nor public services, nor sex afford immunity from the foul pollution of his tongue. The females of England, the Duke of Wellington, Sir Robert Peel, Lord Grey, Lord Melbourne, and other distinguished ́individuals, have been abused by him in modes of expression, which only the very lowest classes of society would employ towards each other.

When on the other hand, we review the species of warfare he carries on against the tranquillity of the country, the incalculable mischief he has caused, and which he is causing, the appalling acts of outrage that have resulted from his agitation, the class of people that he stimulates to disturbance, and whom he calls into a pernicious activity-one is led to regard him as one of those færæ naturæ, against whom any mode of warfare is justifiable;—and we become unavoidably impressed with the conviction, that it is the imperative duty of every honest man in society, to raise up, at least his voice against so dangerous and so abandoned an incendiary.

In his reckless disregard, even of his own character, and as if it were a matter to be proud of, he has boasted of his being "the best abused man in Ireland," and if he had added, that of all other men he the most deserved so to be stigmatised: even his partizans could not fairly question the truth of the admission.

The great and mischievous ascendancy which this