The tranquillity which the relief bill would have produced has been frustrated by the policy of those who speculate in agitation. The war cry still affrights the land, though the object for which it was raised has been obtained. Unfortunately, however, many who are adverse to commotion, give an apparent sanction to the agitation so unremittingly pursued, by remaining in the camp of the agitator, unmindful that he has now entered into a new warfare, and into one, too, totally distinct from that in which they themselves were formerly engaged.

The contest for emancipation and constitutional liberty is no more, the demand was made and has been granted. The Roman Catholic now meets his Protestant fellow countryman on the broad level of equality; he enjoys equally with him every political and religious privilege. In whatever pursuit of life he may be engaged, or to whatever objects his aspiring ambition may be directed, the open and unequivocal avowal of his religious creed, now no longer offers any impediment to his advance

ment.

In considering the privileges bestowed by the Relief bill, on the Roman Catholics, and the position in which it has placed them, we shall find that they have not only obtained their full measure of civil and religious liberty, but that they have even gained the ascendant, and the Roman Catholic is now the dominant party in Ireland. The injudicious extension of the elective franchise, has not only given a preponderance to the Roman Catholic party but it has subjected the respectable portion of that body, to a dominion far more galling and degrad

ing, than that from which they have been recently relieved.

The political power of the Roman Catholic peasantry, is now greater than that of their landlords, be they Protestant or Romanists, and the peasantry regardless of consequences, exercise that power in opposition to them. The Roman Catholic landlord is not alone controlled by his tenantry, but a far more formidable power is now arising up to oppress him. He is in dan ger of being again subjected to the spiritual and temporal dominion of the church of Rome. Its Priests, after solemnly promising they would retire within their mass-houses, and cease to agitate, if the boon of emancipation were given, now agitate more than ever. It is by their agency that agitation is kept up, and that not for any object beneficial to the laity,-but for objects which would be most oppressive and injurious to them. The priests steadily pursue their own object alone, and that object is the dominant ascendancy of their church and of themselves and every one who considers the line of conduct they are now pursuing-and who has taken a lesson from the most superficial perusal of history, must be convinced, that nothing will satisfy them less-than the full possession of the revenues of the Protestant church, and even this would not satisfy them, they must be temporal despots also. To attain these objects the peasantry are kept in their present frightful state of excitement, ruinous alike to the peace, the security and the prosperity of the country. Mr. O'Connell is the priest's hired and subservient instrument to effect their designs: he blows for them the horn, and they are as the sounding board,

2 A

to diffuse and give effect to his discordant and harrow. ing music.

The supineness, to say the least of it, of the Irish government has allowed all this formidable note of preparation to go on unchecked and unheeded,-it has permitted the priests and their instruments, to mature and organize their plans in security. The peasantry excited to lawlessness may readily be called into action when the time is favourable. The leash that holds the blood-hound, is easily loosed, and then "cry havoc and let slip the dogs of war."

The agitation that pervades England is altogether of a political character; it is essentially, whether the better classes of society, are to hold the reins of government, or whether they are to be surrendered up to the guidance of the very lowest. There is in Ireland, properly speaking, no such contest, it is here altogether a religious one. Were the radical party unfortunately to triumph in England, a republic would necessarily be the result; were the same party to triumph here, no matter what might be the form of government that would be adopted,-the spiritual and temporal ascendancy of the church of Rome and of its priesthood, would be sure to follow.

The lower classes here, are not as they are in England, more especially in its manufacturing districts, politicians. They never think of municipal reform, annual parliaments, universal suffrage, nor any of those other political questions, which produce so much excitement in the sister country. If left to themselves they would entertain no hostility to the government,— nor to the national church,-nor to its ministers,

nor even to their revenues as such. Tithes on becoming a fixed and acreable tax, have ceased to be a grievance to the tiller of the soil: and the evils which have of late arisen from their collection, are mainly attributable to those, who have so unremittingly excited the people to a lawless resistance.

The gift of education was gratefully and universally hailed as a valuable boon by the people; they apprehended no danger from their children reading the bible in the Kildare-place, and other schools. All the efforts of the priests to deprive them of the benefits of literary, and religious instruction were in vain, till government came to their aid, and established the NATIONAL SCHOOLS, from which the word of God is excluded, and its place supplied, by superstitious and lying legends, and controversial popish catechisms.

Whatever therefore, may be the case in England, there are not now any speculative notions in Ire land, that would lead the people to resist the government, or oppose themselves to the law; all causes of popular discontent are now merely local, and are such as arise from poverty, and want of employment: and these are mainly produced by the agitation that is kept up. The priest has separated the peasant from his natural protector; he inspires him with a feeling of hostility to his landlord, and drags him to the hustings often against his will-and by the threat of refusing absolution, compels him to give perhaps a perjured vote in support of his own nominee.

The landlord naturally dreads such a power, arrayed by such agency against him, and a feeling is created in his mind which prevents all useful measures of amelioration. Many desert their residences in dis

taste, or in fear, and the country is thus deprived of the wealth, and moral influence of a resident gentry. No capitalist will embark his property, in works of useful and productive industry, in the centre of a lawless populace, and thus the people are, in consequence of their own conduct, deprived of employment, -paying the penalty of their own turbulence. No measures are ever thought of to recompence the unfortunate peasant for the injury he has sustained, by being made the blind and miserable instrument of the revolutionary leaders When he is ejected from his little tenement, and destitute of employment, his heartless and unprincipled exciters never dream of recompensing the wretched victim whom they have misled. His distress may form a topic of declamation in the House of Commons, or at the hustings, whilst the misery which has resulted from following the advice of those

who excite only to betray, will also preserve him as a more ready agent in the work of turbulence and of revolution.

The long agitation, of the Roman Catholic question, has called into activity a new class of politicians, most of whom still follow the trade of agitation; ignorant of the true interests of the country, and careless of its improvement, they seek only notoriety for themselves. These men have not within themselves any of the legitimate elements of civil power,-they have neither influence nor talent, nor numbers to accomplish their objects, and some of them agitate for interest or notoriety alone, not distinctly knowing what political measures they mean to effect, or how they are to be accom→ plished; vague ideas of liberty and separation may float down the shallow and bubling current of their minds