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Report of the Committee on Manufactures.
[22d Cong. 2d Sess.' To the subscribers this affords but a source of deeper of the United States, with this ordinance in his hand, mortification, upon perceiving that formal recommenda- with a full knowledge of its whole import, and with a
tion in the message of a gradual, and, ultimately, total with- thorough conviction of the duties which it devolved upon .? drawal of all legislative protection from all the manufac-him, in defence of the constitution and laws of the Union,
tures of the country, excepting only those articles indis- should, by the whole tenor of his annual message, and
pensably necessary to the safety and independence of the especially by the recommendation gradually to withdraw * nation in time of war; an exception so strangely expound- from the manufacturing establishments the protection fered in the report and bill of the Committee of Ways and which they enjoy by the existing laws, have given so Means, to mean unwrought iron.
much countenance and encouragement to the most unjust The proclamation did, indeed, take a direct and formal claims and most groundless pretensions of the South Caen issue with the nullifying convention, upon both the arti- rolina convention. che cles of fundamental law, by virtue of which that assem- There is an aspect in which this controversy must be
blage asserted their right to exercise sovereign, despotic considered, and in which the subscribers believe it was peEs authority in the name of the people of South Carolina. culiarly incumbent on the President, as the Chief Magisper The proclamation denied the right of the people of South trate of the whole people, to withhold all countenance or * Carolina to nullify the laws of the United States. It de- shadow of support from those pretensions.
nied the right of the State of South Carolina to secede The foundation of the complaints alleged by the South Time from that Union to which the people and State of South Carolina convention as the justifying cause of their extraER: Carolina, by the pledge of their lives, their fortunes, and ordinary proceedings, is a collision of sectional interests se their sacred honor, in the declaration of independence, between the slaveholding and the exclusively free porto and by their own solemn accession to the constitution of tions of the Union. The allegation is, that the protection Ethe United States, had bound themselves and their good extended to domestic industry, by the imposition of du. er faith, in the face of God and man. To both these princi- ties upon the productions of the like industry imported
ples of the proclamation, the subscribers assent and ad- from abroad, necessarily operates to produce inequality Se here; and the clear and indisputable consequence from in the burden of taxation upon the free and upon the medes them is, that the South Carolina convention was an unlaw- slaveholding portions of the people, to the disadvantage
ful and unconstitutional assembly, and their ordinance an and oppression of the latter: that whatever of taxation is . unlawful and unconstitutional act-null and void in itself, levied by impost upon manufactures and free labor, is
and the enforcement of which, by physical power, would more than repaid by this protection; that it becomes therebe levying war against the United States.
by their interest to increase the protecting duties instead effort. The duties incumbent upon the President of the United of reducing them; and that, as the labor of slaves cannot
States in this emergency, and the deep responsibility by be applied to manufactures, and as the agricultural prowhich he is bound to the performance of them, are fully ducts of the South derive no benefit from this protection, and unequivocally set forth in the proclamation. The the ultimate result of the impost system is to make it at sense of those duties was profoundly impressed upon the once a tax upon the slaveholder of the South, and a bounmind of its author. The subscribers deem it altogether ty to the free laborer of the North. unnecessary, and irrelevant to the present state of this This stalement of the case presents two prominent country, to inquire by whom or when, or for what pur- points of consideration. The foundation of the argument pose, the absurd doctrines of nullification and secession is an irreconcilable opposition of interests between two of were first gotten up and promulgated. They well know the great masses of population constituting the Union. that those doctrines never can be carried out in practice, 1. This opposition of interests is geographical, the dibut by a dissolution of the Union. The consummation of vision line being that between the States where the popueither of them must, in itself, be a dissolution of the lation is entirely free, and those where the population Union. If any organized power, under any circumstances consists of masters and slaves; the divisions are of North whatever, in any one State, can nullify the laws of Con- and South. gress, then has the Union no legislative, and consequently 2. It is an opposition of interests between servile and no judicial or executive power. The Government is ipso free labor. facto dissolved, and the Union must crumble to atoms with The subscribers believe these positions to be very far dit
. If any one State can at its pleasure secede from the from correct; but they deem it not necessary to discuss Union, every other State must possess the same power: them here; they are the positions upon which the whole "anal the constitution of the United States, instead of being system of the proceedings of South Carolina is founded, a compact ordained and established by the people, to se. and as such they must be considered. care to them and their posterity the blessings of liberty, It cannot be denied that in a community spreading over is but a partnership of corporate bodies without posterity, a large extent of territory, and politically founded upon without soul, without faith, and ready to trample under the principles proclaimed in the declaration of indepenfoot, as is done by the ordinance of the South Carolitta dence, but differing so widely in the elements of their soconvention, its own promises, contracts, and obligations, cial condition, that the inhabitants of one-half the territoas well as those of others, or the laws of the land. °Resist- ry are wholly free, and those of the other half divided ance against certain laws of the United States, even under into masters and slaves, deep, if not irreconcilable collithe authority of single State Governments, has more than sions of interest must abound. The question whether once been attempted. The doctrines of nullification and such a community can exist under one common Governsecession have more than once been asserted or counte- ment, is a subject of profound, philosophical speculation nanced by resolutions of particular State Legislatures; in theory. Whether it can continue long to exist, is a but this is the first example since the establishment of the question to be solved only by the experiment now making constitution, when a formal organization of the power of by the people of this Union, under that national compact, the people of a State has been accomplished, not only for the constitution of the United States. the avowed purpose of resisting the laws of Congress, but At the formation of the constitution itself, these colliof annihilating the whole system of revenue laws, of dictat- sions of interest presented themselves at the threshold. ing to the whole Union a new fiscal code, and of interdict- No sooner was the representation of the people in the poing with a sentence of outlawry the protection secured by pular branch of the Legislature to be adjusted, than it the constitution and the laws to at least one-third part of arose. It is one of the first principles of republican free
dom, that the representation of the people should be proThe subscribers cannot but lament that the President portioned to their numbers. It is another, that the taxa
22d Coxg. 2d Sess.]
Report of the Committee on Manufactures.
tion of the people should be proportioned to their num-confederated nation the slavelolding policy. The office bers and their property. But here was a community, one- of Vice President, a station of high diguity, but of little half of whom held it for a principle that all popular other than contingent power, had been usually, by their representation should be proportioned to the numbers of indulgence, conceded to a citizen of the other section; the people, while the other half held a third part of their but even this political courtesy was superseded at the own numbers as the property of the other two-thirds. election before the last, and both the offices of President They claimed, therefore, that, in the popular branch of and Vice President of the United States were, by the prethe Legislature, they should be privileged with a repre- ponderancy of slaveholding votes, bestowed upon citisentation, not only of their numbers, but of their proper-zens of two adjoining, and both slaveholding States
. At ty-of their living machinery.
this moment, the President of the United States, the PreHere was a great, and, it would seem, an irreconcilable sident of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Reprecollision of interests between the aggregate parties to the sentatives, and the Chief Justice of the United States, are compact under deliberation. How was it adjusted? By all citizens of that favored portion of the united republic. concession from the Northern and wholly free States. The last of these offices being, under the constitution, They consented that, while in this hall, in the popular held by the tenure of good behavior, has been honored branch of the Legislature, they themselves should have a and dignified by the occupation of the present incumbent representation proportioned only to their numbers, the upwards of thirty years. An overruling sense of the higla slaveholders of the South should, in addition to their responsibilities under which it is held, has effectually proportional numbers, have a representation here for guarded him from permitting the sectional slaveholding three-fifths of their living property-of their machinery. spirit to ascend the tribunal of justice; and it is not ditiWhat was the equivalent for this concession? A provision cult to discern, in this inflexible impartiality, the source that direct taxation should be levied under this constitution, of the obloquy which that same spirit has not been inacin the same compound proportion of numbers in the free, tive in attempting to excite against the Supreme Court of and of numbers and property in the slaveholding States. the United States itself, and of the insuperable aversion
The basis of this compromise between great conflict- of the votaries of nullification to encounter or abide by ing interests was, that the proportion of representation the decision of that tribunal, the true and legitimate umin the popular branch of the Legislature, and the pro- pire of constitutional, controverted law. portional burden of direct taxation, should be greater in The disproportionate numbers of the slaveholding re, the Southern than in the Northern, or, in other words, presentation in the House of Representatives have secured greater in the slaveholding than in the free States. Such to it the absolute control of the general policy of the was the compromise in principle; how has it operated in Government, and especially over the fiscal system, the practice?
revenues and expenditures of the nation. At the first esThe representation of the slave population in this House tablishment of the Government, it was the slaveholding has, from the establishment of the constitution of the interest which dictated the principle that the public reveUnited States, amounted to rather more than one-tenth of pues should be raised, not by direct taxes, but by impost. the whole number. In the present Congress, it is equiva- Had direct taxation been resorted to, the very letter of lent to twenty-two votes; in the next Congress, it will the constitution prescribed that a heavier burden of it amount to twenty-five. This is a combined and concen- should fall upon them than upon the States where no trated power, always operating to the support and exclu- slaves existed. The selection of impost, as the exclusive sive favor of the slaveholding interest, and against
that mode of taxation for raising revenue, was made and dicnorthern free interest which is protected by the duties of tated by them, and for their special benefit. But they impost. This privilege of representation for property were then willing that, in raising the revenue, some prohas been always enjoyed by the slaveholding States, from tection should be extended to domestic industry. It had the establishment of the constitution to this day; and they not occurred to them yet, that, by their
disproportionate will continue to enjoy it as long as the constitution shall numbers in the popular branch of the Legislature, they remain in force. But it was not enjoyed by them under could exclude all the free labor of the country entirely the confederation, nor can they ever enjoy it under any from the protection of the law. confederation of States. But while their enjoyment of Under that protection, the industry of freedom has the privilege under the constitution is constant and unre. thriven and Aourished. Often checked and retarded by mitting, the correlative and equivalent privilege of lighter that preponderating system of policy which the slave. direct taxation has been effective to the free states only holding
interest, by its
disproportionate representation in twice, and for very short periods, in the forty-five years the General Government, was always enabled to prethat the constitution has existed. The history of the scribe, and to which the labor of the free was compelled Union has afforded a continual proof that this representa- to submit, a right to some protection, under the compact tion of property, which they enjoy as well in the election of constitutional union, had never been denied to it. of President and Vice President of the United States as Sparingly, scantily, and grudgingly as it was dispensed
, upon the floor of the House of Representatives, has se- still the right to protection was conceded; and, in the raiscured to the slaveholding States the entire control of the ing of the revenue, actual protection was, to some de national policy, and, almost without exception, the posses-gree, yielded. Free labor received its reward; but its sion of the highest executive office of the Union. Always prosperity never exceeded that of the slaveholder, nor united in the purpose of regulating the affairs of the whole was the protection which it enjoyed ever equal or compare Union by the standard of the slaveholding interest, their able to that secured to the slaveholding interest, both by disproportionate numbers in the electoral colleges have the constitution and the laws. enabled them, in ten out of twelve quadrennial elections, In this condition of the common country, with the slave
; to confer the chief magistracy upon one of their own citi holding interest in possession of all the highest offices of zens. Their suffrages at every election, without excep- dignity and power, legislative, executive, and judicial, tion, have been almost exclusively confined to a candidate discovery is suddenly made in South Carolina-the only which, from the nature of man, always prevail in commu- outnumbers the free, and where, consequently, six-tenths nities entirely free, they have sought and found auxiliaries of the people are the property of the other four-tenthase sions of parties and the ambition of individuals with their duties of impost, levied for the protection of free labor: own purposes, to establish and maintain throughout the lare unconstitutional; that domestic industry has no right
Report of the Committee on Manufactures.
[22d Cono. 2d Sess.
to the protection of existing laws; and that all the reve. of imposts, which, by the constitution of the United nue laws are palpable violations of the constitution of the States, are required to be uniform throughout the Union. United States. Upon the heel of this discovery comes Vermont, with a free population of 280,000 souls, has immediately the fixed and irreyocable determination that five representatives in the popular House of Congress, free labor shall no longer and never more enjoy this pro- and seven electors for President and Vice President. tection of the law. And how is this determination carried South Carolina, with a free population of less than 260,000 into effect? A convention of the people—that is to say, souls, sends nine members to the House of Representaof rather more than one-half the four-tenths of the owners tives, and honors the Governor of Virginia with eleven of the rest--a convention representing, at the utmost, votes for the office of President of the United States. If one hundred and fifty thousand souls, and, of course, less the rule of representation were the same for South in numbers than three-fourths of the single city of New Carolina and for Vermont, they would have the same York, is assembled--itself unconstitutionally constituted, number of representatives in the House, and the same and assembled in defiance of the fundamental laws both number of electors for the choice of President and Vice of the Union and of the State. It assumes, in the broad President. She has nearly double the number of both. face of day, the exercise of absolute, despotic, irresistible, Were a direct tax now to be levied, to which South Cauncontrollable power; nullifies the whole code of reve- rolina herself could not object as unconstitutional, her nue laws of the United States; dissolves contracts, pro- proportion of it must be just as nearly double that of Ver. mises, obligations, sanctioned by solemn appeals to God; mont, as is the number of her members in the House of prescribes oaths as abhorrent to the pure intelligence of Representatives. , If, by the protection to her farmers, ihe Being invoked to attest them, as to the souls of those and mechanics, and manufacturers, against the competiupon whom they are imposed; declares the people of tion of foreign labor, armed with foreign legislations, the South Carolina absolved from all their ties of allegiance men of the Green mountains find brisker markcts for the and fidelity to their country; annihilates the judicial tri- productions of their toil; if their mountains themselves are buna ls of the Union within the State; and then declares clad in a fresher and more perennial verdure; if the very that, if an attempt is made to execute the laws of the face of nature upon her soil gladdens with the hue of Union, otherwise than through those annihilated tribunals, hope, and the smile of joy, at the beneficence of their South Carolina will secede from that Union to which her government, acting in auxiliary subservicncy to the bencfathers pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sa-ficence of Heaven, while the slaveholder of South Carocred honor; from that Union she will secede, and consti- lina cannot derive so much benefit from the protection of tute herself a supreme, sovereign, feudal dominion of de- man, because his industry is not his own, and all bis prospotic, irresistible, and uncontrollable power. Since the fits must be earned by the sweat of another's brow, is this attempt of the Titans to scale the throne of Heaven, so a reason to justify him for tearing to pieces the charter of bold an enterprise was never conceived. Since the pro- national freedom by which he is bound to the freemen of ject of the builders on the plain of Shinar to make them- Vermont? By the letter of that fundamental compact, his selves a name, lest they should be scattered abroad upon power in the enactment of the laws, to be binding upon the whole earth, so gallant an exploit was never under- both, is nearly twice that of the mountaineer. By the taken. And it was this moment, when rebellion was letter of that compact, too, were the revenues of the stalking forth under the worse than Gorgon shield of State whole community to be levied by direct taxation, his sovereignty, that the President of the United States chose, share of contribution must be nearly doubled. With for recommending to the insulted, vilified, and contemned what pretence of reason, therefore, can he complain of a legislative authority of the Union, tamely to yield, in sub- slight'inequality bearing upon him; not by the burden stance, to this overbearing pretension, and gradually to of the impost, which is every where the same, but by withdraw from the manufacturing establishments, with the primeval curse of Omnipotence upon slavery, deny. some vague and indefinite exceptions, the whole protec- ing to him the remote and contingent advantage which tion of the existing laws.
the free laborer of Vermont derives from the protection It has been seen that, by the constitution of the United of the laws? States, the right of representation in the popular branch The subscribers believe, therefore, that the ground asof the Legislature, and in the Colleges of Electors to the sumed by the South Carolina convention for usurping the offices of President and Vice President of the United sovereign and limitless power of the people of that State States, is unequally divided between the Northern and to dictate the laws of the Union, and prostrate the legisSouthern, or, in other words, the free and the slave. lative, executive, and judicial authority of the United holding States; that while the free States are represented States, is as destitute of foundation as the forms and subonly according to their numbers, the slaveholders are stance of their proceedings are arrogant, overbearing, ty. represented also for their property; and that the equi- rannical, and oppressive; they believe that one particle of valent for this privilege is, that they shall bear in like compromise with that usurped power, or of concession to manner a heavier burden of all direct taxation. That, by its pretensions, would be a heavy calamity to the people the ascendancy which their excess of representation gives of the whole. Union, and to none more than to the people them in the enactment of the laws, they have invariably, of South Carolina themselves. That such concession by in times of peace, excluded all direct taxation, and there. Congress would be a dereliction of the highest duties to by enjoyed their excess of representation, without any their country, and directly lead to the final and irretrievequivalent whatever. This is, in substance, an evasion able dissolution of the Union. of the bilateral provision in the constitution. It gives it That the President of the United States has a deep and an operation entirely one-sided. It is a privilege of the just sense of the solemn duties devolving upon him in this Southern and slaveholding sections of the Union, without great emergency, the subscribers have seen with great any equivalent to the Northern and Northwestern free- and most sincere satisfaction, by his proclamation, and men whatever.
by his message to Congress communicating that docuIt is not a little extraordinary that this new pretension ment, and others issued from the Executive Department, of South Carolina, the State which, above all others, en- together with those emanating from the disorganizing facjoys this unrequited privilege of excessive representa- tion in South Carolina. It only remains for him to suit tion, released from all payment of the direct taxes, of the action to the word. Bound by his official oath to take which her proportion would be nearly double that of any care that the laws shall be faithfully executed, those laws non-slaveholding State, should proceed from that very have armed him with ample power to discharge that duty complaint that she bears an unequal proportion of duties / so long as the execution of the laws shall meet with no re
22d Cong. 2d Sess.]
Report of the Committee on Manufactures.
sistance by force. Even that resistance, also, he has notfication. It ceased, as he says, “in spirit and in truth." been left without means, lawful means, to overpower and It ceased even in form--Government is the enactment and subdue. If other means be necessary or expedient, it is administration of laws, or it is a dominion of arbitrary the duty of the Legislature to invest him with them. But power--republican Government is a Government of laws. with the usurpations of the South Carolina convention The Government by will is not republican Government. there can be no possible compromise. They must con- The constitutions of several of the States expressly de. quer or they must fall.
clare the intent of their institution to be to establish a The subscribers are the more deeply impressed with the Government of laws and not of men. In these United conviction that no compromise can be authorized or per- States, the people, although the true and legitimate mitted with the insurrectionary spirit of the fdocuments source of all political power, have never exercised the from South Carolina, because they consider them utterly powers of Government themselves. They delegate power incompatible with the principles of republican Govern- by constitutions of Government, all under strict limitament, and because they believe, with equal confidence, tions to secure the rights of the citizen from the oppres. that, if met with open front and unyielding energy, there sion of arbitrary power. Under these constitutions the is nothing in this array of rebellion in the slightest degree legislative, the executive, and the judicial powers are dangerous, they will not say to the existence, but even to separated from each other, a separation without which the peace and tranquillity of the Union. For a conflict of some of them expressly declare, and all tacitly recognise, physical force, which may God, in his mercy, forbid; but that there can be no enjoyment of liberty. They entrust should it unhappily ensue, the parties to it are one hun- the power of legislation to two co-ordinate assemblies of dred and fifty thousand, at the utmost, strong on one side, men, cach operating as a check upon the other, and genand ten millions on the other. But the ordinance of nul- erally under the further check of a qualified negative in lification itself, and all the other State papers of this new the Chief Executive Magistrate. Such is the constitusovereignty in embryo, professedly disclaim all purposetion of the United States. Such is the constitution of the or intention of resorting to physical force, unless in self-State of South Carolina. These constitutions are the fun. defence. If, in the spirit of county court litigation, they damental laws of the land, protective of the rights of can, by quibbles and quillets of the law, entangle the jus- every individual citizen. Under this protection, a contice of the Union in a net of subtleties, by capiases, reple. vention is assembled, representing a part of the people vins, and withernams; if by imposing unhallowed and de- of South Carolina, but assuming to represent them alltested oaths upon their own citizens, in violation of their acknowledging no law; affecting the exercise of absolute, allegiance and obligations to their country; if by enjoin. irresistible, uncontrollable power, and issues an ordinance ing upon them, under heavy penalties, fraud, perjury, annulling the constitution and laws of the United States the breach of their own promises, contracts, and obliga- within the State of South Carolina, commanding the Lations, and the forfeiture of all their civic duties as Ame- gislature of the State tu enact laws in violation of the conrican freemen; if by all these ingenious and peaceable stitution of the State; absolving the citizens of the State devices the collection of the revenues of the United States from the fulfilment of their promises, contracts, and obl. within the State of South Carolina can be practically and gations; and imposing upon them oaths, which they canpermanently frustrated, the purpose of nullification is ac- not take without giving the lie to their consciences in the complished; she asks no more--she draws no sword-she face of God. The convention which issued this ordifaints at the very sight of blood-she thinks “the sovenance has an existence authorized by the Legislature, fur reign'st thing on earth,
a whole year.
After giving out this memorable ordi“ Is parmacity for an inward bruise,”
nance, it adjourns, to meet again at the convocation of its and, as a sovereign State, she will administer nothing but president. Upon the principles which it assumes as the parmacity to heal the inward bruises of the constitution. rule of action for itself, it is invested with the whole sove. From the principles announced by the President in his reign power of the people of South Carolina, subject to proclamation, and in his recent message, and from all the no limitation but that of time, and that extending to a measures of the Government yet adopted in preparation whole year. During all that period its authority is para: for this exigency, there is no reason to apprehend that mount to that of the Legislature, to the constitution of force will, in the first instance, be used on the part of the the State, to the constitution of the United States. It United States. The determination not to yield, is a spi-possesses the whole power of the people, legislative
, rit passive in its nature until aggression provokes it to ac- executive, judicial; it may constitute itself a tribunal for tion. It endures until summoned to resistance in sell the trial of offenders against any ordinance which it may defence. In the collision of exasperated passions, it is ordain; it may pass sentence of death upon any such offenthe temper of aggression that always strikes the first blow. der; it may erect within its hall a guillotine or a gibbes
, Nullification, in assuming the attitude of self-defence, de- and execute its own sentences by the hand of its own nies its own nature; it is essentially aggressive, and will president. It has passed a law, not only impairing, but assuredly find that it can never accomplish its purpose but nullifying in express terms the obligations of contracts; it by hostile action.
So long as it stays its hand, however, may, by the same sovereign power, pass bills of attainder, the laws of the Union will have their execution. The ex post facto laws; it may proscribe the freedum of the executive minister of the law performs his duty until met press, the freedom of speech, the freedom of conscience: by the resistance of physical force, and until then the it may establish a religion, and religious inquisition; it thunder of the ordinance is but a brutum fulmen. Let may grant titles of nobility; and, lastly, it may invest si : the Government of the Union, in all its branches, manifest these powers in its president, to have, and to hold, and the pure, unaggressive, but firm and inflexible temper of to exercise, to him and the heirs of his body, forever. To self-defence, and nullification will vanish like a noxious say that they will not exercise these powers, is only to see exhalation before the morning sun.
that they will not thus abuse the power which they claim By the constitution of the United States, it is provided to possess. It is a pure unadulterated despotism-des that the United States shall guaranty to cvery State in potism in a single assembly, superseding the protection this Union a republican form of Government. The sub- of the constitution and the laws, guarantied by the United scribers believe, with one of the most eminent and virtu. States to every State in the Union, and to all its eitous citizens of South Carolina,* that republican Govern- zens. During the existence of that convention, the 60 ment in that State ceased with the ordinance of nulli vernment of South Carolina is not republican. It has to
Government. It is under the rule of an organized anar Thomas S. Grimke,
chy, with a nominal Legislature subordinate to a lawless
Report of the Committee on Manufactures.
[224 Cong. 2d Sess. 2- semblage of tyrants, calling themselves the people of unequal and oppressive upon the South, the subscribers south Carolina.
believe to be utterly without foundation. They have It must especially be not forgotten that among the im- proved that by the constitution of the United States the plied, necessarily implied powers claimed by this con- principle is expressly recognised, that, as an equivalent vention, is that of enacting laws for the United States, for the privilege of slave representation in the Legislature laws paramount even to the constitution of the United and the Electoral Colleges, the slaveholders should bear States. To repeal a law is to enact a law; to nullify a an additional and proportional burden of all direct taxalaw is an act of more transcendent authority. The power tion. It may be, that, under any possible system of taxacompetent to repeal is competent to enact a law. Totion, the owner of slaves may feel the burdens of it more nullify a law is an act of superior and paramount autho- heavily than the freeman, because he must pay the taxes rity.
The ordinance of South Carolina nullifying in of his slave as well as his own. All taxation is an assesswords only within the limits of that State, the whole codement upon property--all just taxation bears some proporof revenue laws of the United States assumes, in fact, the lion to the property of the party taxed. If the rich pays authority of repealing that whole code throughout the a larger tax than the poor, it is not therefore a tax unUnited States. "It legislates for the whole Union. Sub- equal and oppressive upon the rich. The unequal tax is mission to it for one instant would recognise an appel- that which exacts from the poor the same amount of conlate power of legislation, coextensive with the whole tribution as from the rich. There are, to speak in round Union, in every one of its States. To call such a system numbers, two millions of slaves in this Union. At the anarchy, would be to give it too mild a name. It is usur. average value of three hundred dollars a head, they conpation of the most odious character-usurpation of one stitute a mass of six hundred millions of dollars of properState over the laws of twenty-three, and brands the State ty, all owned in the slaveholding States, who possess, or itself, as well as the individuals by whom the absurd pre- may if they please possess, all other kinds of property tension is raised, with the indelible character of “close which can be held in the States where slavery is explodambition varnished o'er with zeal.”
ed. The slaveholders, therefore, are, as respects the From these pretensions the State of South Carolina whole Union, the rich, and the freemen of the other must desist. The subscribers have no doubt that, unless States are the poor, of the community. The slaveholdencouraged to persevere in them by some faltering or ers own six hundred millions of dollars worth of wealth weakness of concession on the part of the Government more than the inhabitants of the wholly free States. And of the United States, she will desist from them, and there this property is self-productive. It is no breed of barby redeem herself from the obloquy of a desperate strug- ren metal, but a breed of living value--a breed of flesh le to subdue the whole family of her sisters under the and blood, of bone and sinew, of productive and prolo minion of her own ungovernable will. She must re-fitable labor. Its owners hold it not only as individual uzme ber seat in the family circle, from which she has so property, but as collective political power. It yields in advisedly started, and submit to the laws which she them not only the increase of increasing population, equihared in establishing, until she can persuade her asso-valent in this country to a compound interest of three per ciated equals to concur with her in repealing them. Of|cent. a year. It yields them not only the fruits of all the his result the subscribers entertain not the slightest doubt, industry of two millions of human beings, but it yields [ the clear and indisputable rights of the whole Union them, collectively, twenty-five representatives in one hall be maintained with becoming perseverance and for- branch of the common Legislature, and upwards of thirty itude by the Government of the United States.
votes of two hundred and eighty-eight electors of PreBut the subscribers have seen with deep regret that sident and Vice President of the United States. Upon he message upon which it has been their indispensable what principle of natural justice or equity can the holdluty to animadvert, does in its whole purport relating to ers of this property pretend that they will not contrihe administration of the internal affairs of the nation, and bute to the revenues of the nation, more than the freeman nost especially in the recommendation to Congress gra- who holds no such property, and enjoys no such reprelually to withdraw from the manufacturing establish- sentation? nents of the country, with a vague and indefinite excep- It has been seen that, with a free population of 280,000 ion, the whole protection of the existing laws, give an souls, Vermont sends to the National House of Represenlarming encouragement, not only to the unwarrantable tatives only five members, while South Carolina, with a proceedings of the South Carolina convention, but to the like population of less than 260,000, sends nine; New Dost extravagant doctrines and outrages of nullification. Ilampshire, with a free population of 270,000, sends only Connected with the other effective recommendations to five.' In the year 1813, under the third census, Vermont ubandop all further purposes of national internal improve- and New Hampshire had each six members in the House Dent, and all future revenues from the public lands, with of Representatives, and South Carolina the same number he hand of ruin raised against credit and currency, in as at present, and as she will have under the new census; he denunciations of the Bank of the United States, and, that is, nine. I the root of all, the proclamation of the principle that In the direct tax of the year 1813, the sum apportioned he wcalthy landholders, or, in other words, the slave to the State of New Hampshire was ninety-six thousand holding planters of the South, constitute the best part of seven hundred and ninety-three dollars and thirty-seven he national population, they can perceive nothing other cents; that upon the State of Vermont was ninety-eight han a complete system of future Government for this thousand three hundred and forty-three dollars and sevennion directly tending to its dissolution--a system totally ty-one cents; that upon the State of South Carolina was dverse to that which has prevailed from the establish- one hundred and fifty-one thousand ninc hundred and five nent of the constitution, till the day of the delivery of dollars and forty-eight cents. he message--a systein altogether sectional in its charac- if the fifteen millions of annual revenue, which are er, wasteful of the property of the nation, destructive to supposed by the report of the Secretary of the Treasury Es commerce, withering to its future improvement, blast- to be necessary for the wants of the Government, and og to the manufactures and agriculture of two-thirds of were proposed by the report of the Committee of Ways he States, and looking in its ultimate results to sacrifice and Means to be levied as a permanent revenue, should he labor of the free to pamper with bloated profits the now be raised by a direct tax, the sum apportioned for its wner of the slave.
payment to the State of New Hampshire would fall a litThe admission in the message that the laws for the rais-ile short of four hundred thousand dollars; that to the ng of revenue by imposts have been, in their operation, State of Vermont would a little exceed the same amount.