Who is the HONEST MAN?

He who doth still and strongly good pursue,

To GOD, his neighbor, and himself, most true."

HERBERT.

YOUNG MERCHANTS OF BOSTON! I have spoken to you frankly and faithfully, trusting that you would frankly and faithfully hearken to me. And now, in the benison once bestowed upon the youthful Knight, I take my leave: "Go forth, be brave, loyal and successful."

38*

THE DEMANDS OF FREEDOM-REPEAL OF THE

FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL.

23D FEBRUARY,

SPEECH IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, 1855, AGAINST MR. TOUCEY'S BILL, AND FOR THE REPEAL CF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL.

On 23d February, 1855, on motion of Mr. Toucey, of Connecticut, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of a "Bill to protect officers and other persons acting under the authority of the United States," by which it was provided that "suits commenced or pending in any State Court against any officer of the United States or other person, for or on account of any act done under any law of the United States, or under color thereof, or for or on account of any right, authority, claim or title, set up by such officer or other person, under any law of the United States," should be removed for trial to the Circuit Court of the United States. It was seen at once that under these words an attempt was made to oust the State Courts of cases arising from trespasses and damages under the Fugitive Slave Bill; and the Bill was pressed, as every thing for Slavery is always pressed, even on Friday, to the exclusion of the private claims to which that day is devoted under the rules of the Senate. A debate commenced, which was continued with much animation and feeling late into the night.

Mr. SUMNER seized this opportunity to press again his proposition to repeal the Fugitive Slave Bill. Just before the final question, he took the floor and spoke as follows :

Mr. PRESIDENT: On a former occasion, as Slavery was about to clutch one of its triumphs, I rose to make

my final opposition to it at midnight. It is now the same hour. Slavery is again pressing for its accustomed victory, which I again undertake for the moment to arrest. It is hardly an accidental conjunction which thus constantly brings Slavery and midnight together.

Since eleven o'clock this forenoon we have been in our seats, detained by the dominant majority, which, in subservience to Slavery, has refused to postpone this question or to adjourn. All other things are neglected. The various public interests which, at this late stage of the session, all press for attention, are put aside. According to the usages of the Senate, Friday is dedicated to the consideration of private claims. I have been accustomed to call it our day of justice, and I have been glad that, since these matters are referred to us, at least one day in the week has been thus set apart. But Slavery grasps this whole day, and changes it to a day of injustice. By the calendar, which I now hold in my hand, it appears that, at this moment, upwards of seventy-five private Bills, with which are associated the hopes and fears of widows and orphans, and of all who come to Congress for relief, are on your table neglected, ay, sir, sacrificed to the Bill which is now urged with so much pertinacity. Like Juggernaut, the Bill is driven over prostrate victims. And here is another sacrifice to

Slavery.

But I do not adequately expose the character of this Bill when I say it is a sacrifice to Slavery. It is a sacrifice to Slavery in its most odious form. Bad as Slavery may be, it is not so bad as hunting slaves. There is a seeming apology for Slavery at home, in

the States where it prevails, founded on the difficulties in the position of the master and the relations of personal attachment which it sometimes excites; but every apology fails when you seek again to enslave the fugitive whom the master could not detain by duress or by kindness; and who, by courage and intelligence, under the guidance of the north star, has achieved a happy freedom. Sir, there is a wide difference between the Slaveholder and the Slave-hunter.

But the Bill before you is to aid in the chase of slaves. This is its object. This is its "being's end and aim." And this Bill, with this object, is pressed upon the Senate by the honorable Senator from Connecticut [Mr. Toucey]. Not from slave soil, but from free soil, comes this effort. A Senator from the North a Senator from New England lends himself to the work, and with unnatural zeal helps to bind still stronger the fetters of the slave.

Mr. RUSK (interrupting). Will the honorable Senator allow me to interrupt him?

Mr. SUMNER. Certainly.

Mr. RUSK. I ask him to point out the words in this Bill where Slavery is mentioned.

Mr. SUMNER. I am glad the Senator from Texas has asked the question, for it brings attention at once to the true character of this Bill. I know its language well, and also its plausible title. On its face it purports to be "a Bil. to protect officers and other persons acting under the authority of the United States;" and it proceeds to provide for the transfer of certain proceedings from the State courts to the Circuit Courts of the United States. And yet, sir, by the admission of this whole debate, stretching from

noon to midnight, it is a Bill to bolster up the Fugitive Slave Act.

Mr. Rusk. I have not listened to the debate, but I ask the Senator to point out in the Bill the place where Slavery is mentioned. If the Constitution and the laws appoint officers, and require them to discharge duties, will he abandon them to the mob?

Mr. SUMNER. The Senator asks me to point out any place in this Bill where "Slavery" is mentioned. Why, sir, this is quite unnecessary. I might ask the Senator to point out any place in the Constitution of the United States where " Slavery is mentioned, or where the word "slave" can be found, and he could not do it.

Mr. RUSK. That is evading the question. I asked the Senator to point out in the Bill the clause where Slavery is mentioned. The Bill proposes to protect officers of the United States, whom you appoint, in discharging their duties. If they are to be left unprotected, repeal your law.

Mr. SUMNER.

I respond to the Senator, with all my heart," repeal your law." Yes, sir, repeal the Fugitive Act which now requires the support of supplementary legislation. Remove this ground of offence. And before I sit down, I hope to make that very motion. Meanwhile, I evade no question propounded by the honorable Senator; but I do not consider it necessary to show that "Slavery" is mentioned in the Bill. It may not be found there in name; but Slavery is the very soul of the Bill.

Mr. RUSK rose.

Mr. SUMNER.

The Senator has interrupted me