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I write not thus, induced thereto solely from an attachment to my native soil: the world is my country; and the region which is the seat of freedom bas in my eyes charms more attractive than my native soil. I write not thus from an attachment to a favorite measure, but from a full conviction that such a preliminary as I have mentioned, being inserted in every proposition for peace on the part of America, would lay a lasting foundation for that peace and would be a perpetual security that the independence which America so justly claims, and in the establishment of which every nation under heaven is interested, would never be brought into. question to the end of time.

The sum and substance of what I urge is this-That as a more equal representation of the English people in annual parliaments, is a point essential to the restoration of our freedom, it is equally essential, as a foundation for a federal, union with the American states.

After all the changes in the affairs of men, whether they be revolutions in the fortunes of nations, or of individuals, are in the hands of Providence; and are directed by its resistless power to the general good. That good-will finally prevail, whatever the hearts and heads of politicians may devise. The only differences will be, a difference in the time and manner in which the ends of providence are brought pass; and a difference in the final fate of those who are employed as the means of their accomplishment.

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The fell destroyers of their species shall see their measures, though planned with Machiavelian policy, and for a time successful, finally abortive-failing in the attainment of the evil wished for, and productive of the good they hate.

On the contrary, if virtue, honor, zeal for the interests of our country and of human kind form the outline of the character, the agent of heaven will be renowned in his day; and

long futurity, through every successive age, shall impart încrease of glory. The joys of self-complacency shall gild the evening of his days. They will also be the earnest of an happiness which will know no bounds.. JOHN JEBBLOAT

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TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Esq.

Cupture of Mr. Laurens-Confined in the Tower of Lon

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"The news of Mr. Laurens being taken, must have reached you long since. He is confined in the Tower, but of late has some more liberty for taking air and exercise than first was allowed him. Certain papers found with him relating to the drafts of a treaty proposed in Holland, have been sent over to the stadtholder, who laid them before their high mightinesses, who communicated them to the government of the city of Amsterdam; which justified the transaction. This has drawn from England, a memorial delivered by Sir Joseph Yorke, demanding that the pensionary and magistrates of that city should be punished; and declaring that the king will resent a refusal of the states to comply with this demand. What answer will be given to this insolent memorial we do not yet know. But I hear it has produced much displeasure in Holland, and it is thought to have occasioned a more prompt accession to the armed neutrality which had before met with obstructions from the English party there." B. FRANKLIN.

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TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

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Pussy, Feb. 13, 1781. --~

I have just received from congress their letter for

the king, which I have the honor of putting herewith into the hands of your excellency.

I am charged at the same time to represent in the strongest terms the unalterable resolution of the United States, to maintain their liberties and independence, and inviolably to adhere to the alliance at every hazard, and in every event; and that the misfortunes of the last campaign, instead of repressing, have redoubled their ardor; that congress are resolved to employ every resource in their power to expel the enemy from every part of the United States, by the most vigorous and decisive co-operation with the marine and other forces of their illustrious ally: that they have accordingly called on the several states, for a powerful army and ample supplies of provisions; and that the states are disposed effectually to comply with their requisitions.

That if in aid of their own exertions, the court of France can be prevailed on to assume a naval superiority in the American seas, to furnish the arms, ammunition, and clothing specified in the estimate heretofore transmitted, and to assist with the loan mentioned in the letter, they flatter themselves that under the divine blessing, the war must speedily be terminated with glory and advantage to both nations. By several letters to me from intelligent persons it appears, that the great and expensive exertions of the last year, by which a force was assembled capable of facing the enemy, and which accordingly drew towards New York and lay long near that city, were rendered ineffectual by the superiority of the enemy at sea, and that their success in Carolina, had been chiefly owing to that superiority, and to the want of the necessary means for furnishing, marching, and paying the expense of troops, sufficient to defend that province.

The Marquis de la Fayette writes to me that it is impossible to conceive, without seeing it, the distress the troops

have suffered for want of clothing; and the following is a paragraph of a letter from General Washington, which I ought not to keep back from your excellency; viz.:—

"I doubt not you are so fully informed by congress of our political and military state, that it would be superfluous to trouble you with any thing relative to either. If I were to speak on topics of the kind, it would be to show, that our present situation makes one of two things essential to us a peace-or the most vigorous aid of our allies, particularly in the article of money; of their disposition to serve us we cannot doubt: their generosity will do every thing their means will permit."

They had in America great expectations, I know not on what foundation, that a considerable supply of money would be obtained from Spain, but that expectation has failed: and the force of that nation in those seas has been employed to reduce small forts in Florida, without rendering any direct assistance to the United States; and indeed the long delay of that court in acceding to the treaty of commerce, begins to have the appearance of not inclining to have any connec tion with us; so that for effectual friendship, and for the aid so necessary in the present conjuncture, we can rely on France alone, and in the continuance of the king's goodness towards us.

I am grown old, I feel myself much enfeebled by my late long illness, and it is probable I shall not long have any more concern in these affairs. I therefore take this occasion to express my opinion to your excellency, that the present conjuncture is critical; that there is some danger lest the congress should lose its influence over the people, if it is found unable to procure the aids that are wanted; and that the whole system of the new government in America may thereby be shaken.

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That if the English are suffered once to recover that country, such an opportunity of effectual separation as the present, may not occur again in the course of ages; and that the possession of those fertile and extensive regions, and that vast sea coast, will afford them so broad a basis for future greatness, by the rapid growth of their commerce, and breed of seamen and soldiers, as will enable them to become the terror of Europe, and to exercise with impunity that insolence which is so natural to their nation, and which will increase enormously with the increase of their power. I am with great respect, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN ADAMS, ESQ.

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Duties on American exports, &c.

Passy, May 19, 1781.

best method of doing it, England raised indeed a But it was by virtue of

"I have with you no doubt that America will be easily able to pay off not only the interest but the principal of all the debt she may contract in this war. But whether duties upon her exports will be the is a question I am not so clear in. great revenue by duties on tobacco. a prohibition of foreign tobaccos, and thereby obliging the internal consumer to pay those duties. If America were to lay a duty of five pence sterling per lb. on the exportation of her tobacco, would any European nation buy it? Would not the colonies of Spain and Portugal, and the Ukraine of Russia furnish it much cheaper? Was not England herself obliged for such reasons to drop the duty on tobacco she furnished to France? Would it not cost an immense sum in officers, &c. to guard our long coast against smuggling of tobacco, and running out to avoid a duty? and would not many even of those officers be corrupted and connive at it ?

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