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interest of a few poor widows, who keep lodging-houses there. Whatever manufactures the members might want, were still purchased at Boston. They themselves indeed suffered some inconvenience, in being perhaps less commodiously, lodged, and being at a distance from the records; but this and the keeping them before so long prorogued, when the public affairs required their meeting, could never reconcile them to ministerial measures, it could serve only to put them more out of humor with Britain and its government so wantonly exercised, and to so little purpose. Ignorance alone of the true state of that country, can excuse (if it may be excused) these frivolous proceedings.
To have good ends in view, and to use proper means to obtain them, shows the minister to be both good and wise, To pursue good ends by improper means, argues him, though good, to be but weak. To pursue bad ends by artful means, shows him to be wicked though able. But when his ends are bad, and the means he uses improper to obtain these ends, what shall we say of such a minister ? Every step taken for some time past in our treatment of America, the suspending their legislative powers, for not making laws by direction hence; the countenancing their adversaries by rewards and pensionis, paid out of the revenues extorted from them by laws to which they have not given their assent; the sending over a set of rash indiscreet commissioners to collect that revenue, who, by insolence of behavior, harassing commerce, and perpetually accusing the good people (out of whose substance they are supported) to government here, as rebels and traitors, have made themselves universally odious there, but here are caressed and encouraged; together with the arbitrary dissolution of assemblies, and the quartering troops among the people, to mehace and insult them; all these steps, if intended to provoke thepu to rebellion that we
might take their lives and confiscate their estates, are proper means to obtain a bad end: but if they are intended to cottciliate the Americans to our government, restore our commerce with them, and secure the friendship and assistance which their growing strength, wealth, and power may in a few years, render extremely valuable to us, can any thing be con ceived more injudicioas, more absurd ? His lordship may have in general a good understanding ; his friends say he has ; but in the political part of it there must surely be some twist, some extreme obliquity. ::
A well-wisher to the king and all his dominions.
To the PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER.
Your correspondent Britannicus inveighs violently agaist Dr. Franklin, for bis ingratitude to the ministry of this nation, who have conferred upon him so many favors. They gave bim the post-office of America ; they made his son a governor; and they offered him a post of five hundred a-year in the salt-office, if he would relinquish the interests of his country; but he has had the wickedness to continue true to it, and is as much an American as ever. As it is a settled point in government here, that every man has his price, it is plain they are bunglers in their business, and have not given him enough. Their master has as much reason to be angry with them, as Rodrigue in the play, with his apothecary, for not effectually poisoning Pandolpho, and they must probably make use of the apothecary's justification, viz.
Scene iv.-RODRIGUE and Fell, the Apothecary.
Rodrigue. You promised to have this Pandolpho upon his bier in less than a week ; 'tis more than a month since, and he still walks and stares ine in the face.
Fell. True ; and yet I have done my best endeavors. In various ways I have given the miscreant as much poison as would have killed an elephant. He has swallowed dose after dose ;--far from hurting him, he seems the better for it. He hath a wonderfully strong constitution. I find I cannot kill him but by cutting his throat, and that, as I take it, is not my business : Rodrigue. Then it must be mine, in
TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER; SIR, : :
Nothing can equal the present rage of our ministerial writers against our brethren in America, who have the misfortune to be whigs in a reign when whiggism is out of fashion, who are besides protestant dissenters and lovers of liberty. One may easily see from what quarter comes the abuse of those people in the papers; their struggle for their rights is called REBELLION, aud the people REBELs; while those who really rebelled in Scotland (1745). for the expulsion of the present reigning family, and the establishment of popery and arbitrary power on the ruins of liberty and protestantism, who entered England, and marched on as far as Derby, to the astonishment of this great city, and shaking the public credit of the nation ; have now all their sins forgiven on account of their modish principles, and are called not rebels, but by the softer appellation of insurgents! These angry writers use their utmost efforts to persuade us that this war with the colonies (for a war it will be) is a national cause, when in fact it is merely a ministerial one.' Administration wants an American revenue to dissipate in corruption. The quarrel is about a paltry three-periny duty on tea. There is no real-clashing of interests between Britain and America. Their commerce is to their mutual advantage, or rather most
to the advantage of Britain, which finds a vast market in America for its manufactures, and as good pay, I speak from knowledge, as in any country she trades to upon the face of the globe. But the fact needs not my testimonyit speaks for itself—for if we could elsewhere get better pay and better prices, we should not send our goods to America:
The gross calumniators of that people, who want us to imbrue our hands in brothers' blood, have the effrontery to tell the world that the Americans associated in resolutions pot to pay us what they owed us unless we repealed the stamp act. This is an INFAMOUS FALSEHOOD: they know it to be such. I call upon the incendiaries who have advanced it to produce their proofs. Let them name any two that entered into such an association, or any one that made such a declaration Absurdity, marks the very face of this lie. Every one acquainted with trade knows, that a credited merchant daring to be concerned in such an association could never expect to be trusted again. His character on the exchange of London would be ruined for ever. The great credit given them since that time, nay the present debt due from them is itself a proof of the confidence we have in their probity. Another villainous falsehood advanced against the Americans is, that though we have been at such expense in protecting them, they refuse to contribute their part to the public general expense of the empire. The fact is, that they never did refuse a requisition of that kind. A writer who calls himself Sagittarius (I suppose from his flinging about, like Solomon's fool, firebrands, arrows, and death) in the Ledger of March 9th, asserts that the “ Experiment has been tried, and that they did not think it expedient to return even an answer." How does he prove this? Why, "the colony agents were told by Mr. Grenville, that a revenue would be required from them to defray the expenses of their protectigor."
But was the requisition ever made. Were circular letters ever' sent by his majesty's command from the secretary of state to the several colony governments, according to the established custom, stating the occasion and requiring such supplies as were suitable to their abilities and loyalty? And did they then refuse not only compliance but an answer? No such matter; agents are not the channel through which requisitions are made. If they were told by Mr. Grenville that ha revenue would be required, and yet the colonies made no offer, no grant, nor laid any tax," does it follow they would not have done it if they had been required? Probably they thought it time enough when the requisition should come, and in fact it never appeared there to this day. In the last war they all gave so libérally, that we thought ourselves bound in honor to return them a million. But we are disgusted with their free gifts; we want to have something that is obtained by force, like a inad landlord who should refuse the willing payment of his full tents, and choose
to take less by way of robbery. This shameless writer would cajole the people of England with the faney of their being kings of America, and that their honor is at stake by the Americans disputing their government. He thrusts us into the throne cheek-by-jole with majesty, and would have us talk as he writes, of our subjects in America, and our sovereignty aver America : forgetting that the Americans are subjects of the king, not our subjects, bat our fellow-subjects 2 and that they have parliaments of their own, with the right of granting their own money by their own representatives, whicla we cannot deprive them of but by violence and injustice.
Having, by a series of iniquitous and irritating measures, provoked a loyal people almost to desperation, we now magnify every act of an American mob into RBBELLION, though the government there disapprove it and order prosecution, as