obtain, the worse terms she may expect, since the inequality of power and importance that at present subsists between us is daily diminishing, and our sense of our own rights and of her injustice continually increasing. I am the more encouraged to hold such language, by perceiving that the general sense of the nation is for us; a conviction prevailing that we have been ill used, and that a breach with us would be ruinous to this country. The pieces I wrote to increase and strengthen those sentiments were more read, and talked of, and attended to than usual. The first, as you will see by the enclosed, has been called for, and reprinted in the same paper, besides be ing copied in others, and in the magazines. A long labored answer has been made to it, (by governor Bernard it is said) which I send you. I am told it does not satisfy those in whose justification it was written, and that a better is preparing. I think with you that great difficulties must attend an attempt to make a new representation of our grievances, in which the point of right should be kept out of sight, especially as the concurrence of so many colonies seems now necessary. And therefore it would certainly be best and wisest for parliament (which does not meet till after the middle of January) to make up the matter themselves, and at once reduce things to the state desired. There are not wanting some here who believe this will really be the case; for, that a new election being now in view, the present members are likely to consider the composing all differences with America, as a measure agreeable to the trading and manufacturing part of the nation; and that the neglecting it may be made use of by their opponents to their disadvantage.

I have as yet received no answer to the petition for removing the governors. I imagine that it will hardly be complied with, as it would embarrass government to provide for them otherwise; and it will be thought hard to neglect men who

have exposed themselves by adhering to what is here called the interest and rights of this country. But this I only conjecture, as I have heard nothing certain about it. Indeed I should think continuing them in their places would be rather a punishment than a favor. For what comfort can men have in living among a people with whom they are the object of universal odium?

I shall continue here one winter longer, and use my best endeavors as long as I stay for the service of our country. With great esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

To JOSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ. PHILADELPHIA. Supposed disposition to compose the differences with America, SIR, · London, Nov. 3, 1773.43 There is at present great quietness here, and no prospect that the war between the Turks and Russians will spread further in Europe. The last harvest is allowed to have been generally plentiful in this country; and yet such was the preceding scantiness of crops, that it is thought there is no corn to spare for exportation, which continues the advantages to our corn provinces,

The parliament is not to meet till after the middle of January. It is said there is a disposition to compose all differences with America before the next general election, as the trading and manufacturing part of the nation are generally our well-wishers, think we have been hardly used, and apprehend ill consequences from a continuance of the measures that we complain of: and that if those measures are not changed, an American interest may be spirited up at the election against the present members who are in, or friends to, administration. Our steady refusal to take tea from hence for several years past has made its impressions, The scheme

VOL. I.

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for supplying us without repealing the act, by a temporary licence from the treasury to export tea to America free of duty, you are before this time acquainted with. I much want to hear how that tea is received. If it is rejected the act will undoubtedly be repealed: otherwise. I suppose it will be continued; and when we have got into the use of the company's tea, and the foreign correspondences that supply us at present are broken off, the licences will be discontinued, and the act enforced.

I apprehend the better understanding that lately subsisted in our provincial administration will hardly be continued with the new governor; but you will soon see. I wish for the full letter you promise me by the next packet, which is now daily expected. With unalterable esteem and attachment, I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,

DEAR SON,

B. FRANKLIN.

To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN.

London, Nov. 3, 1778.

I wrote you pretty fully by the last packet, and having had no line from you of later date than the beginning of August, and little stirring here lately, I have now little to write.

In that letter' I mentioned my having written two papers, of which I preferred the first, but the public the last. It seems I was mistaken in judging of the public opinion; for the first was reprinted some weeks after in the same paper, the printer giving for reason that he did it in compliance with the earnest request of many private persons, and some respectable societies; which is the more extraordinary, as it had been copied in several other papers, and in the Gentleman's

* October 6, 1773.

* Rules for reducing a great empire to a small one.

Magazine. Such papers may seem to have a tendency to increase our divisions, but I intend a contrary effect, and hope by comprising in little room, and setting in a strong light the grievances of the colonies, more attention will be paid to them by our administration, and that when their unreasonableness is generally seen, some of them will be removed, to the re storation of harmony between us. B. FRANKLIN...

TO THE HON. THOMAS CUSHING, ESQ.

Petition for the removal of the governors of Massachusetts, presented by Lord Dartmouth-Duel between Mr. Temple and Mr. Whately on account of Hutchinson's letters. SIR, London, Jan. 5, 1774. I received the honor of yours dated October 28, with the journals of the house, and Mr. Turner's election

sermon.

I waited on Lord Dartmouth on his return to town, and learnt that he had presented to his majesty our petition for the removal of the governors. No subsequent step had yet been taken upon it; but his lordship said, the king would probably refer the consideration of it to a committee of council, and that I should have notice to be heard in support of it. By the turn of his conversation, though he was not explicit, I apprehend the petition is not likely to be complied with: but we shall see. His lordship expressed, as usual, much concern at the differences subsisting, and wished they could be accommodated. Perhaps his good wishes are all that is in his power.

The famous letters' having unfortunately engaged Mr. Temple and Mr. Whately in a duel, which being interrupted

'Governor Hutchinson's.

2

would probably be renewed, I thought it incumbent on me to prevent, as far as I could, any farther mischief, by declaring publicly the part I had in the affair of those letters, and thereby, at the same time, to rescue Mr. Temple's character from an undeserved and groundless imputation, that bore hard upon his honor, viz. that of taking the letters from Mr.Whately, and, in breach of confidence. I did this with the more pleasure, as I believe him a sincere friend to our country. I am told by some that it was imprudent in me to avow the obtaining and sending those letters, for that administration will resent it. I have not much apprehension of this, but if it happens I must take the consequences. I only hope it will not affect any friend on your side the water, for I have never men

tioned to whom they were transmitted.'

A letter of mine to you, printed in one of the Boston papers, has lately been reprinted here, to show, as the publisher expresses it, that I am "one of the most determined enemies of the welfare and prosperity of Great Britain." In the opinion of some, every one who wishes the good of the whole empire may nevertheless be an enemy to the welfare of Great Britain, if he does not wish its good exclusively of every other part, and to see its welfare built on their servitude and wretchedness. Such an enemy I certainly am. But methinks 'tis wrong to print letters of mine at Boston which give occasion to these reflections.

I shall continue to do all I possibly can this winter towards an accommodation of our differences; but my hopes are small. Divine providence first infatuates the power it designs to ruin.

'See Dr. Franklin's account of the whole of the transactions incident to these letters, in the Memoirs of his Life, PART III.