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not only to the parties exposed, but to administration here, I was regardless of the consequences. However, since the letters themselves are now copied and printed, contrary to the promise I made, I am glad my name has not been heard on the occasion; and as I do not see it could be of any use to the public, I now wish it may continue unknown; though •I hardly expect it. As to yours, you may rely on my never mentioning it, except that I may be obliged to show your letter in my own vindication to the person only who might otherwise think he had reason to blame me for breach of engagement. It must surely be seen here, that after such a detection of their duplicity in pretending a regard and affection to the province while they were undermining its privileges, it is impossible for the crown to make any good use of their services, and that it can never be for its interest to employ servants who are under such universal odium. The consequence one would think should be their removal. But perhaps it may be to titles, or to pensions—if your revenue can
I am, with great esteem, sir, your most obedient humble servant, B. Franklin.
To Dr. Cooper, Boston.
Dear Sir, London, July 25, 1773.
I wrote to you on the 7th instant pretty fully, and am since favored with yours of June 14.
I am much pleased with the proposal of the Virginia assembly and the respectful manner in which it has been received by ours. I think it likely to produce very salutary effects.
I am glad to know your opinion that those letters came Seasonably, and may be of public utility., I accompanied them with no restriction relating to myself; my duty to the province as their agent, I thought required; the communication of them, as far as I could: I was sensible I should make enemies there, and perhaps might offend government here; but those apprehensions I disregarded. I did not expect, that my sending them could be kept a secret: but since it is such hitherto, I now wish it may continue so, because the publication of the letters contrary to my engagement, has changed the circumstances. If they serve to diminish the influence and demolish the power of the parties whose correspondence has been, and probably would have continued to be, so mischievous to the interest and rights of the province, I shall on that account be more easy under any inconveniences I may suffer either here or there; and shall bear as well as 1 can the imputation of not having taken sufficient care to insure the performance of my promise. .■ i i■
,;>;• I think government can hardly expect, to draw any future service from such instruments, and one would suppose they must soon be dismissed. We shall see. . ..,. Iru j
I hope to be favored with a continuance of your correspondence and intelligence, while I stay here, it is highly useful to me, and wilj be as it always has been pleasing everywhere. ..
I am ever, dear sir, your obliged and most obedient humble servant, . B. Franklin.
To The Hon. Thomas Cushing, Esq.
Address of Massachusetts for the removal of their governor
and lieut. governor. . .n*
Sis, London, Aug. 24,1773.
I received duly your several favors of June 25, 26,
and 30, with the papers enclosed. My Lord Dartmouth being at his country-seat in Staffordshire, 1 transmitted to him the address for the removal of the governor and lieutenant governor; and Mr. Bollan and I jointly transmitted the letter to his lordship from both houses. I delivered to Mr. Bollan one set of the authenticated copies of the letters, and we shall co.operate in the business we are charged with.'
I am told that the governor has requested leave to come home; that some great persons about the court do not think the letters, now they have seen them, a sufficient foundation for the resolves; that therefore it is not likely he will be removed, but suffered to resign, and that some provision will be made for him here. But nothing I apprehend is likely to be done soon, as most of the great officers of state who composed the privy council, are in the country, and likely to continue till the present parliament meets, and perhaps the above may be chiefly conjecture.
I have informed Mr. Lee, that in case there should be an hearing, I was directed to engage him as council for the province; that though I bad received no money I would advance what might be necessary; those hearings by council being expensive.
I purpose writing to you again by the packet, and am with the greatest respect, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
P. S. No determination is yet public on the case of Mr. Lewis against Governor Wentworth, which has been a very. costly hearing to both sides.
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To Governor Franklin. m.;'I
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Resolutions of the New England townships—Project to forty
an union with Ireland—Hutchinson's letters. ,y^
Dear Son, London, Sept. 1,1773.
I have now before me yours of July 5 and 6. The August packet is not yet arrived. '. .'3''-•
Dr. Cooper of New York's opinion of the author of the sermon, however honorable to me, is injurious to the good bishop; and therefore I must say in justice and truth, that I knew nothing of his intention to preach on the subject, and saw not a word of the sermon till it was printed. Possibly some preceding conversation between us may have turned hw thoughts that way; but if so, that.is all.
I think the resolutions of the New England township* must have the effect they seem intended for; viz. to show tbat the discontents were really general, and their sentiments concerning their rights unanimous, and not the fiction of a few demagogues, as their governors used to represent them here: and therefore not useless, though they should not as yet induce government to acknowledge their claims. That people may probably think it sufficient for the present to assert and hold forth their rights, secure that sooner or later they must be admitted and acknowledged. The declaratory law here, had too its use, viz. to prevent or lessen at least a clamor against the ministry that repealed the stamp act, as if they had given up the right of this country to govern America. Other use indeed it could have none; and I remember Lord Mansfield told the lords, when upon that bill, that it was nugatory. To be sure, in a dispute between two parties about rights, the declaration of one party can never be supposed to bind the other.
It is said there is now a project on foot to form an union with Ireland, and that Lord Harcdurt is to propose it at the next meeting of the Irish parliament. The eastern side of Ireland are averse to it; supposing that when Dublin is no longer the seat of their government it will decline, the harbor heing hut indifferent, and that the western and southern ports tyill rise and florish on its ruins, being good in themselves arid much better situated for commerce. For these same reasons, the western and southern people are inclined t6 the measure, and it is thought it may be carried; But these are difficult affairs, and usually take longer time than the projectors imagine. Mr. Crowley, the author of several proposals for uniting the colonies with the mother-country, and who runs about much among the ministers, tells me the union of Ireland is only the first step towards a general union. He is for having it done by the parliament of England without consulting the colonies; and he will warrant, he says, that if the terms proposed are equitable, they will all come in one after the other. He seems rather a little cracked upon the subject.
It is said here that the famous Boston ' letters were sent chiefly, if not all, to the late Mr. Whately. They fell into my hands, and I thought it my duty to give some principal people there a sight of them, very much with this view, that when they saw the measures they complained of took their rise, in a great degree, from the representations and recommendations qf their own countrymen, their resentment against Britain on account of those measures might abate, as mine had done, and a reconciliation be more easily obtained. 'In Boston they concealed who sent them, the better to conceal
who received and communicated them. And perhaps it is as
* Governor Hutchinson's,