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the Grenvillians triumphed. I have just written a paper for next Tuesday's Chronicle, to extenuate matters a little.

Mentioning Colonel Onslow, reminds me of something that passed at the beginning of this session in the house, between him and Mr. Grenville. The latter had been raving against America, as traitorous, rebellious, &c. when the former, who has always been its firm friend, stood up and gravely said, that in reading the Roman history, he found it was a custom among that wise and magnanimous people, whenever the senate was informed of any discontent in the provinces, to send two or three of their body into the discontented provinces, to inquire into the grievances complained of, and report to the senate that mild measures might be used to, remedy what was amiss, before any severe steps were taken to enforce obedience. That this example he thought worthy our imitation in the present state of our colonies; for he did so far agree with the honorable gentleman that spoke just before him, as to allow there were great discontents among them. He should therefore beg leave to move, that two or three members of parliament be appointed to go over to New England on this service. And that it might not be supposed he was for imposing burthens on others that he would not be willing to bear himself, he did, at the same time, declare his own willingness, if the house should think fit to appoint them, to go over thither with that honorable gentleman. Upon this there was a great laugh, which continued some time, and was rather increased by Mr. Gren ville's asking, "will the gentleman engage that I shall be safe there? Can I be assured that I shall be allowed to come back again to make the report ?" As soon as the laugh was so far subsided as that Mr. Onslow could be heard again, he added: "I cannot absolutely engage for the honorable gen

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tleman's safe return; but if he goes thither upon am strongly of opinion the event will contribute greatly to the future quiet of both countries." On which the laugh was renewed and redoubled.

If our people should follow the Boston example in entering into resolutions of frugality and industry, full as necessary for us as for them, I hope they will among other things give this reason, that it is to enable them more speedily and effectually to discharge their debts to Great Britain: this will soften a little, and at the same time appear honorable and like ourselves. Yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN

FROM GOVERNOR POWNALL TO DR. FRANKLIN.

Concerning an equal communication of rights, privileges, &c. to America, by Great Britain.

DEAR SIR,

The following objection against communicating to the colonies the rights, privileges, and powers of the realm, as to parts of the realm, has been made. I have been en deavoring to obviate it, and I communicate [it] to you, in hopes of your promised assistance.

If, say the objectors, we communicate to the colonies the power of sending representatives, and in consequence expect them to participate in an equal share and proportion of all our taxes, we must grant to them all the powers of trade and manufacturing, which any other parts of the realm within the isle of Great Britain enjoy.-If so, perchance the profits of the Atlantic commerce may converge to some centre in America; to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, or to some of the isles-if so, then the natural and artificial produce of the colonies, and in course of consequences, the landed interest of the colonies, will be promoted; while the

natural and artificial produce and landed interest of Great Britain will be depressed, to its utter ruin and destruction;

and consequently the balance of the power of government, although still within the realm, will be locally transferred from Great Britain to the colonies. Which consequence, however it may suit a citizen of the world, must be folly and madness to a Briton. My fit is gone off; and... though weak, both from the gout and a concomitant and very ugly fever, I am much better. Would be glad to see you. Your friend, J. POWNALL.

On the back of the foregoing letter of Governor Pownall are the following minutes by Dr. Franklin.

This objection goes upon the supposition, that whatever the colonies gain, Britain must lose; and that if the colonies can be kept from gaining an advantage, Britain, will gain it :

If the colonies are fitter for a particular trade than Britain, they should have it, and Britain apply to what it is more fit for. The whole empire is a gainer. And if Britain is not so fit or so well situated for a particular advantage, other countries will get it, if the colonies do not. Thus Ireland was forbid the woollen manufacture, and remains poor: but this has given to the French the trade and wealth Ireland might have gained for the British empire. Modula

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The government cannot long be retained without the union. Which is best (supposing your case) to have a total separation, or a change of the seat of government? It by no means follows, that promoting and advancing the landed interest in America will depress that of Britain: the contrary has always been the fact. Advantageous situations and circumstances will always secure and fix manufactures Sheffield against all Europe these 300 years past.

To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN.

Change of ministry-Bedford party to come in.
DEAR SON,
London, Jan. 9, 1768.

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We have had so many alarms of changes which did not take place, that just when I wrote it was thought the ministry would stand their ground. However, immediately after the talk was renewed, and it soon appeared the Sunday changes were actually settled. Mr. Conway resigns, and Lord Weymouth takes his place. Lord Gower is made president of the council in the room of Lord Northington. Lord Shelburne is stript of the American business, which is given to Lord Hillsborough as secretary of state for America, a new distinct department. Lord Sandwich, it is said, comes into the post-office in his place. Several of the Bedford party are now to come in. How these changes may affect us, a little time will show. Little at present is thought of but elections, which gives me hopes that nothing will be done against America this session, though the Boston gazette had occasioned some heats, and the Boston resolutions a prodigious clamor. I have endeavored to palliate matters for them as well as I can. I send you my manuscript of one paper, though I think you take the Chronicle. The editor of that paper, one Jones, seems a Grenvillian, or is very cautious, as you will see, by his corrections and omissions. He has drawn the teeth and pared the nails of my, paper, so that it can neither scratch or bite. It seems only to paw and mumble, I send you also two other late pieces of mine. There is another which I cannot find.

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I am told there has been a talk of getting me appointed under secretary to Lord Hillsborough; but with little likelihood, as it is a settled point here that I am too much of an American.

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I am in very good health, thanks to God. Your affec B. FRANKLIN.

tionate father,

TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY, Esq.

Change of ministry-American affairs.

DEAR SIR,

London, Jan. 9, 1768.

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I wrote to you via Boston, and have little to add except to acquaint you that some changes have taken place since my last, which have not the most promising aspect for America, several of the Bedford party being come into employment again; a party that has distinguished itself by exclaiming against us on all late occasions. Mr. Conway, one of our friends, has resigned, and Lord Weymouth takes his place. Lord Shelburne, another friend, is stripped of the American part of the business of his office, which now makes a distinct department, in which Lord Hillsborough is placed. I do not think this nobleman in general an enemy to America; but in the affair of paper money he was last winter strongly against us. I did hope I had removed some of his prejudices on that head, but am not certain. We have however increased the cry for it here, and believe shall attempt to obtain the repeal of the act, though the Boston gazette and their resolutions about manufactures have hurt us much, having occasioned an immense clamor here. I have endeavored to palliate matters for them as well as I can, and hope with some success. For having in a large company, in which were some members of parliament, given satisfaction to all by what I alleged in explanation of the conduct of the Americans, and to show that they were not quite so unreasonable as they appear to be, I was advised by several present to make my sentiments public, not only for the sake of America, but as it would be some ease to our friends here,

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