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reason to feel jealous of England. They are both great nations, and it will be owing to their own criminal folly alone, if they do not both long maintain the rank of first-rate p powers in Europe. They can afford, ungrudgingly, to do justice to each other; and those who, in other countries, would cater to the bad passions of the people, and stir up international hostilities, should be regarded by both as the worst of foes.

It is perfectly right that the vulne. rable points upon our respective coasts should be adequately protected; but this may be done without any spirit of aggressive enterprise which might give rise to hostile apprehensions. We believe the great works already recommended by the commission of which we have already spoken, 'to be perfectly adequate to the end in view.

Our naval force may be under the mark of the French marine, when we consider the vast extent of our commerce, and our widely-spread colonial empire, and it should be proportionally augmented. Our artillery force is notoriously inadequate to the duties which it is called upon to perform, and a large addition to it is, we believe, in contemplation. These are necessary measures, and we trust that no spirit of mean and pinching parsimony will stand in the way of their speedy complete accomplishment. All this

may be done in such a way as to demonstrate that we love peace, while we are prepared for war; and that preparations which are indispensable for national defence, need never interrupt the good understanding which it is so desirable to maintain between such near neighbours.

CAPTIVITY AND ADVENTURES OF JOSEPH PITTS, AN ENGLISH SLAVE IN ALGIERS.

THE recent chastisements inflicted by the English and the French on the Algerines, have put an end, it is to be hoped for ever, to those piratical depredations and horrid cruelties, which, for three hundred years, made them the scourge and the terror of Christendom. Possessing a restless spirit, and occupying a situation which placed them, as it were, in the centre of commercial enterprise, they carried on a war of indiscriminate pillage against all who sailed the seas; making their name alike detestable for their incorrigible robberies, and for their inhuman treatment of the captives who fell into their hands. In those days, the boldness of the roving corsair was doubly stimulated by the love of plunder, and the bitterness of religious hatred. To the Moor and the Turk, the Christian was something worse than a heretic or an unbeliever. The term "dog" was his common appellative, to mark the contempt and abomination in which his creed was held by the followers of the Arabian prophet. The barriers of prejudice which then separated the Mohammedan from the

Christian world, were much stronger than at present, when a more frequent intercourse has tended to soften down the inveterate antipathies which ages of ignorance and seclusion had generated. If the European was degraded by the name of " uncircumcised dog,” in his turn he regarded the disciple of the Koran with equal horror and aversion. He was stigmatized, not merely as an oppressor and a robber, whose hand was against every man, but as an infidel, a professor of lies and blasphemies, whom it was the bounden duty of every Christian to harass, and extirpate from the face of the earth. With his character, the vilest of heresies and the worst atrocities were associated. About the period to which our narrative refersthe reigns of Charles and James, the last of the Stuarts-the very name of Algerine pirates suggested, and was identified, in the imaginations of Europe, with all that was terrible and barbarous in the conquests of the Saracens, who were then remembered in the West, only as the Huns and Goths of a fiercer race, the burners of libra

ries, the profaners of tombs, the pests of Christendom, and the enemies of mankind.

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At various times in the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the insolent aggressions of these freebooters provoked retaliation, and drew down upon them severe retribution. There was scarcely a state in Europe that did not find it necessary to adopt active hostilities, by invading their territory or destroying their principal city. Germans, Venetians, French, English, Spaniards, attacked them in succession, and made various powerful demonstrations to effect their subjugation. In the year 1541, their audacious piracies, under the Dey Hussan Aga, a renegade eunuch, provoked the resentment of the Emperor Charles V. who directed against them one of the most formidable armaments which that age had witnessed. fleet consisted of one hundred and twenty ships and twenty galleys, having on board thirty thousand chosen troops, with an immense quantity of money, arms, and ammunition, besides great numbers of young noblemen and gentlemen who served as volunteers at their own expense, from motives of religion and glory. Many ladies of birth and character also contributed to increase the splendour of the expedition, together with the wives and daughters of officers and soldiers, who followed with the view of settling in Algeria when its conquest should be achieved. But melancholy was the result the imperial fleet met with the same disasters as the Spanish armada. A dreadful storm arose when they were before the walls of Algiers, accompanied, as the records of that catastrophe affirm, "with violent shocks of earthquakes, and a universal darkness both by sea and land." The vessels being driven from their anchors, were either split against one another, or dashed in pieces among the adja

cent rocks, in spite of all the united endeavours of pilots and mariners. Above one hundred of them perished in a single night, with all their guns and military stores; so that the army on shore were deprived of all means of subsistence, and exposed to the sabres of the Moors and Arabs, who fell upon them in the confusion of escape, and committed dreadful slaughter. The sea, for miles, was covered with wrecks, and the dead bodies of men and horses. A mere remnant was saved with the emperor, who took advantage of a favourable breeze, and reached Carthagena. This luckless expedition is said to have lost a hundred and twenty ships, above three hundred colonels, with eight thousand soldiers and marines, who perished in the first tempest, besides those that were destroyed by the enemy. As for the number of captives, it was so great that they were sold, by way of insult, in the market of Algiers for an onion per head!*

The Spaniards, whose vicinity exposed them particularly to the devastations of the Algerine freebooters, made repeated attempts to chastise them, in 1570, in 1601, in 1775, and in 1783. The first of these was a daring exploit, executed, with the permission of Philip II. by an adventurer named John Gascon, who undertook to surprise and burn the whole navy of the corsairs in their own bay, in the dead of night. This romantic bravado failed. Gascon was captured in making his escape, carried back to Algiers, and delivered to the Dey, who ordered a high gibbet to be erected, on which the bold invader was hoisted, and hung by the feet that he might die in the most exquisite torture; and to show his contempt for the king his master, he ordered his commission to be fastened to his toes. The attempt in 1601, to destroy the nest of the pi rates, was frustrated by contrary

A knight, Sir Nicholas Villagnon, who accompanied the emperor in this expedition, wrote, in Latin, an account of these disasters, which was translated into English, and published under the following doleful title "A lamentable and piteous Treatise, verye necessarie for everie Christen manne to reade; wherein is contayned not onely the high Enterprise and valeauntnes of th' Emperour Charles the V. and his army, (in his voyage made to the Town of Argier, in Affrique, against the Turcks, the Enemyes of the Christen Fayth, th' Inhabitoures of the same,) but also the myserable chaunces of Wynds and Wather, with dyverse other adversites hable to move even a stonye heart to bewayle the same, and to pray to God for his ayde and succoure.'

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winds. The last two expeditions were on a more formidable scale, comprising nearly the whole naval and military strength of Spain. Both were unsuccessful-the one in consequence of disobedience of orders on the part of the troops, of whom eight hundred were killed, and two thousand wounded; the other, from the failure of ammunition, and the persevering bravery of the Algerines, whose fortifications were impregnable to the broadsides of the assailants. In these attacks, it is stated that 3,732 bombs, and 3,833 cannon-shot, were discharged by the fleet against the town; and these were returned by the Algerines, with 393 shells, and 11,284 balls, many of which were used redhot, after the Gibraltar fashion.

The efforts of the French were made at three different periods— 1617, 1652, and 1683-and attended with better success. The last of these expeditions was entrusted to the Marquis du Quesne, Vice-admiral of France, whose name had already become formidable to all the piratical states. Louis XIV. had been so exasperated by the outrages which the troublesome corsairs were continually committing on the coasts of Provence and Languedoc, that he resolved effectually to suppress and crush them, and endeavour to revive the commerce which their depredations had in a great measure destroyed. The fleet did its duty gallantly, having bombarded and cannonaded the Algerine capital with such fury that in a short time the whole town was in flames, the great mosque battered down, and most of the houses reduced to a heap of ruins. This infliction, however, made but slight impression on the daring marauders. The French having been compelled by tempestuous weather to return to Toulon, the Algerines again attacked the coasts of Provence, and committed dreadful ravages, killing and burning all that came in their way, and carrying off a vast number of captives. Another expedition under Du Quesne was fitted out; and a second time Algiers was nearly destroyed, several vessels sunk in the harbour, and a number of batteries dismounted. This terrible havoc determined the Dey Hassan to sue for peace, and to consent to deliver up all the Christian slaves, of whom one hundred and forty

were immediately surrendered. But the negociation was frustrated by the refusal of the Algerine admiral, the celebrated Mezzomorto, to be sent as an hostage for the due fulfilment of the treaty. Enraged at the proposal, the admiral raised a mutiny among the soldiers, who were so exasperated against the governor that they murdered him in the night, and next morning elected Mezzomorto Dey. The articles of peace were immediately cancelled, and the bloody standard ordered to be displayed on the city walls. Hostilities were renewed on both sides with greater fury than ever, and characterised by acts of savage barbarism, unheard of in civilized warfare. The result was, that the Algerines were obliged to seek peace, after seeing all their shipping, fortifications, buildings, the whole lower town, and two-thirds of the upper, utterly destroyed.

The first time the English attacked Algiers was in 1620, when a small expedition was dispatched under the command of Sir Robert Mansel; but it turned out so inefficient in its operations, as to leave no impression on the minds of the Algerines, except a stronger feeling of their own importance, and a determination to prosecute their robberies with greater activity. The visit of the gallant Admiral Blake, in 1655, was more effectual. He forced the Dey to renew the treaty with England, and to desist from all violence towards the English by sea or land. The Algerines, however, did not cease their piratical aggressions; and it was not until Charles II. was placed on the throne, that the British nation obtained that lasting alliance with them (1662) which, with some modifications and additions, still subsists. The capture of an English packet-boat in 1748, by four cruisers from Algiers, was a gross breach of treaty; but, most unaccountably, the government of the day submitted to this and numerous other indignities. As the naval power of Britain increased, the ravages of the Barbary corsairs became less frequent and atrocious; still they were troublesome enough to engage the attention of the congress at Vienna, where it became a subject of deliberation what means should be adopted to put a final stop to these enormities. Lord Exmouth's

expedition followed, and gave a most effectual accomplishment to the wishes of the Allied Powers. The unparalleled gallantry of that action is yet fresh in our memories. It restored peace, by virtue of which above three thousand slaves were released; but it did not restrain the freebooters from annoying other nations; and it was to their interruptions of the French trade, and their insulting denial of reparation, that they owe the present invasion of their territory. These events, however, have greatly anticipated our narrative, to the details of which it is necessary to return. In some of the actions we have alluded to, the hero of our story bore a personal share, and describes them with the minuteness of an eye-witness.

Joseph Pitts was a native of Exeter, and born within a year or two after the Restoration. Having early imbibed a taste for a seafaring life, he had the misfortune to get his ruling propensity gratified in a manner he little expected. He became a sort of Robinson Crusoe, after his kind; though he suffered many more hardships than the solitary hermit of Juan Fernandez. Of his various wanderings, of the cruelties he was subjected to while a slave among the Algerines, of his being forced to turn Mussulman, and to make the pilgrimage to Mecca, he has himself given a curious record, in a small volume, called "A True and Faithful Account of the Religion and Manners of the Mohammetans "-a work now become rare, which neither Dean Prideaux nor Gibbon mention, and which, probably, they never saw or heard of. His narrative is homely and simple in its style; but when compared with later authorities, is found to be surprisingly accurate. As being the first Englishman that trod the holy land of Islam, and witnessed the sacred rites of the Mussulman religion, which it is death for the unbeliever to see, or be admitted into, his name and adventures deserve a more prominent memorial among his countrymen, than they have yet received; and this, we are persuaded, cannot be better done, than by giving his descriptions nearly in his own quaint language. His narrative sets out with a brief account of his capture.

"When I was about fourteen or fifteen VOL. XXVII.-No. 157.

years of age, my genius led me to be a sailor, and to see foreign countries, (much contrary to my mother's mind, though my father seemed to yield to my humour;) and after having made two or three short voyages, my fancy was to range further abroad, for which I sufficiently suffered, as in the sequel of my story will appear. Having ship'd myself, Easter Tuesday, anno 1678, with one Mr. George Taylor, master of the Speedwell of Lymson, near Exeter, bound to the Western Islands, from thence to Newfoundland,to Bilboa, the Canaries, and so home, had God permitted. We got safe to Newfoundland, and our business being ended there, with a fair wind we put out for Bilboa. After being out about forty days, coming near the coast of Spain, (which we knew was the place where the Algerines used to haunt for poor ships that come from the westward,) we looked out sharp for ships, avoiding all we saw; but especially did we look out in the morning at sunrising, and in the evening at sunsetting. The day in which we were taken, our mate, Mr. John Milton, was early at top-masthead, and cried out a sail. The master asked him 'Where?' • At leeward,' replied the mate, about five or six leagues.' And so, to be brief in my relation, about mid-day, being almost overtaken by them, (the enemy being about a mile distance from us,) our master said, It will be in vain for us to make our flight any longer, seeing it will be but an hour or two ere we shall be taken, and then, probably, fare the worse if we continue our flight.' I may leave any person to judge what an heartless condition we were in, but yet still we could not forbear kenning the ship, that unwelcome object, who, devillike, was eager in the pursuit of us. All hope now railing, and there being no place for refuge, we hauled up our sails, and waited for them. As soon as the pyrate came up with us, the captain being a Dutch renegade, and able to speak English, bid us hoist out our boat, which we could not do without much trouble and time, by reason that a few days before, one of our men, in a great storm, was washed overboard, and I myself was scalded, and so disabled from working, that we had but four men that were able; and, therefore, before we could make half ready to hoist out our boat, they came aboard us in theirs. I being but young, the enemy seemed to me as monstrous ravenous creatures, which made me cry out, O master, I am afraid they will kill us and eat us.' My master said, No, no, child, they will carry us to Algier, and sell us.' first words they spake, and the first

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thing they did, was beating us with ropes, saying, 'Into your boat, you English dogs.' And without the least opposition, with fear, we tumbled into their boat, we scarcely knew how. They having loaden their boat, carried us aboard their ship, and diligent search was made about us for money, but they found none. We were the first prize they had taken for that voyage, and they had been out at sea for about six weeks. As for our vessel, after they had taken out of her what they thought fit and necessary for their use, they sunk her; for she being laden with fish, they thought it not worth while to carry or send her home to Algier.

"About four or five days after our being thus taken, they met with another small English ship, which also came from Newfoundland, with five or six men aboard, which was served as ours was. And two or three days after that, they espied another small English vessel, with five or six men aboard, laden with fish, and coming from New England. This vessel was, at their first view of her, some leagues at windward of them, and there being but little wind, and so small hopes of getting up to her, they used their cunning device, viz., they hauled up their sails, and hanged out our English king's colours; and so appearing man-of-war like, decoyed her down, and sunk her also. Two or three days after, they took a fourth little English ship, laden with herrings, of which they took out most part, and then sunk the ship. And last of all, they met with a small Dutch ship, with seven men, laden with pipe-staves, which ship also they sunk, having used the like stratagem as before to decoy her, viz., by putting up Dutch colours. This being a summer's voyage, in which season of the year their ships are usually but very badly manned, (the reason is, because of their camps being out at that time.) I think the Algerines had not above thirty or forty fighting men aboard, insomuch that there was a great inclination amongst us to rise and venture our lives for our liberty; and we had no small encouragement, considering that we were near thirty new-taken slaves, besides between twenty or thirty old slaves, brought with the pirate out of Algiers; for such they usually bring to sail the ship, and to do all the ship's work for them; while the new slaves are put into irons in the hold, and for a month's time not able to stand on their legs, nor to come upon deck, being confined either to sit or lye down, without the least provision of bedding to ease themselves. In this sorrowful case we were, insomuch that we were almost weary of our lives. For you may imagine that the

food we had to sustain nature was answerable to the rest of their kindness; and, indeed, this generaly was only a little vinegar, (about five or six spoonfuls) half a spoonful of oil, and a few olives, with a small quantity of black bisket, and a pint of water a day.

“Well, as I hinted, a platform was laid for our mutinying, and the old English slaves were as fully resolved as the new; and, as I think, the first adviser of an insurrection was one James Goodridge, now of Exon, who was one of the old slaves and a cabin servant; and in order to it, he brought down two naked swords and a pair of pincers to loose the iron bar on which we were shakled. All this while none of the Spaniards or slaves of other nations knew anything of our design; and we so ordered it, for fear we should be discovered by them-only the English and Dutch were privy to it. The night being come when we were resolved to rise, and in order thereto had loosned the iron bar on which we were shakled, the heart of the Dutch master flagged, and so a stop was put to our design. Whereas, had we been all unanimous, the thing might and would undoubtedly have been accomplished with a great deal of honour and profit. For it was in the time of Ramazan (their month of Fast), when they eat meat only by night, and therefore in the morning, somewhat before day came, they would in all likelihood be all fast asleep. This was the time when we designed to put our plot in practice; but the Divine Providence had further trials for us (especially for me) to undergo, as will appear in the progress of this history. And now with a fresh westerly wind we entered the Straights by night, which the Algerines seldom attempt to do during their wars with us, fearing our men of war. When we came almost in the sight of Algier, the boatswain of the ship was ordered to loose the slaves that were in irons; who coming down with a candle, and finding the key that was put into the end of the bar was broken-'0, ye English dogs,' said he, 'what! your de sign was to rise.' After we were loosed and brought upon deck, he presently told the captain of it, who immediately fell into a very great rage, and caused Mr. John Milton, of Lymson, our mate (who sate at the end of the bar on which we were shakled, and so was suspected to open the key, as indeed he did), to be called forth to the bastinadoes. And he was forthwith laid down on the deck, and had his arms turned and held behind him, one man sitting on his legs and another at his head; and in this posture the captain with a great rope gave him about an hundred blows; but he would

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