factory abridgment of it, we fhall only tranfcribe the concluding chapter, as a fpecimen of the Author's manner of reasoning: Neuchatel is the fubject of this letter:

Dear Sir, The fovereign, or rather the first magiftrate of this monarchical republic, is the King of Prufa. The principality is compofed of two counties, Neuchatel and Valengin, which were united in one fingle fovereignty by the Dukes of Longueville, whofe family became extinct in 1707: the country fubmitted to the King of Pruffia, who, by right of reverfion, redemanded Neuchatel as a vacant fief of the houfe of Châlons, inherited by the Princes of Orange, who laid claim to all its rights.

The authority of the King is limited by the great privileges of the country. The fovereignty is exercised conjointly; 1. By the King's governor, who prefides in the affembly of the ftates. 2. By the body of the three eftates, compofed of twelve judges, who adminifter juftice in the laft refort, and are four counsellors of ftate for the nobility. Four officers of judicature for the fecond rank, taken from the four chatellanies and the fifteen mayories. Four counfellors of the city, which is governed by fixty-four perfons who adminifter ordinary juftice, and who are the four miniftraux. Twentyfour perfons for the little council, and forty for the grand council.— The relation of this republican principality with the Helvetic body confifts in an ancient fellow-citizenship with the four cantons of Berne, Lucerne, Friburg, and Soleure; but the canton of Berne is its

culiarly difadvantageous to connected compofitions, efpecially fuch as derive the proof of the principles contained in them, from a copious induction of facts. In fome cafes, the beginning of a book does not fufficiently develope the Author's plan, and then the feparate publication of it neceffarily expofes him to objections and cenfures, which a further explanation would, perhaps, have prevented or removed. Had Dr. Adams, for inftance, fent both his volumes into the world together, his opinions would have been much more eafily understood, and the evidence which he brings to fupport them, might have appeared much more convincing; and I think he would then have avoided that appearance of obfcurity and pedantic oftentation, which you complain of, in your Review of his firft volume. What then appeared to be a puerile difplay of reading, may, poffibly, turn out to be a neceffary part of his plan; fince his principal defign, if I do not mifapprehend him, is to establish the neceffity of fufficient checks and balances in government, by hiftorical proofs; that in all, or moft cafes, where thefe have been difregarded, much mischief and confufion have enfued; and that in those countries, and ftates, where they have been attended to, there has the government been free, powerful, and lafting."-This kind of proof, we must acknowledge, will ever be more fatisfactory than the general reasonings a priori of moft political writers, and is particuJarly well adapted to produce conviction in the present times, when, happily, all kinds of philofophy are built on the firm bafis of authentic facts, or legitimate experiments.

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In May 1787.

particular

particular protector, and the declared arbiter between it and its prince, fince 1406. The city of Neuchatel has also a ftrict alliance of fellow-citizenship with Berne. The whole country fubject to it contains twelve leagues in length, and fix in breadth, and is extremely well peopled; for it contains three cities, one bourg, ninety large villages, and three thoufand houfes, fcattered at a diftance from each other. It is confolidated out of two counties, Neuchatel and Valengin; two baronies, Gorgier and Vaumarcus, which belong to a nobleman of Berne; four lordships, Travers, Noiraque, Rofieres, and Colembier; one priory, Vatravers; five abbeys. At this day, this princely republic is divided into four chatellanies and fifteen mayories. The first count of Neuchatel that is known is Ulric, who lived towards the end of the twelfth century. He had a fon named Bertold, who, in 1214, made a convention with the inhabitants, concerning the rights, liberties, and franchises of the citizens and people of the country.

In 1406 the inhabitants of Neuchatel obtained a confirmation of their liberties of John of Châlons, lord of the county. In 1519 they obtained another confirmation of their rights and liberties, and an acknowledgment, that their princes have no power over them but with their own confent. They have even changed their religion; and, in 1530, abolished the mafs, and all the rites and ceremonies of the Roman Catholic church, without the confent of their prince. Yet they fuffered the houfe of Orleans Longueville to continue to enjoy their rights and revenues. The laft male of this line died in 1694. The Prince of Conti wanted to fucceed by teftament; but the three eftates were against him, and rejected his demands in 1694 and 1699. At this time, William, Prince of Orange, and King of Great Britain, maintained that he had pretenfions on the county, derived from the houfe of Châlons. At the death of this prince, in 1702, the King of Pruffia declared himself his heir, as the fon of the eldeft fifter of King William's father; and contended, that the principality of Orange, and the county of Neuchatel, belonged to him. In 1707, after the death of Mary of Orleans, who had been invested in this principality by the three eftates in 1694, the King of Pruffia demanded the inveftiture of Neuchatel of the three eftates, who granted it him becaufe he was of their religion, and rejected the relations of the deceased, and all other pretenders. His fon, by the ninth article of the peace of Utrecht, obtained an acknowledgment from Lewis XIV. of him as fovereign lord of Neuchatel and Valengin. Although the inhabitants are jealous of their liberties, they are nevertheless attached to their prince. It is to the body of the ftates alone that it belongs to make ftatutes, laws, and ordinances, and they reprefent the fovereignty, and exercife the fupreme authority. The King's Governor prefides in it, but enters not into confultation with the counfellors. It was this tribunal which gave the inveftiture to the Kings, and before whom every pretender muft make out his claim. Without defcending to a particular account of this princely republic, let me refer you to the Dictionaire de la Martiniere, and to Faber, printed at the end of the fixth volume of it, and to Coxe's Sketches, and conclude with hinting at a few features only of this excellent conftitution.-None but natives are capable of

holding

holding any office, civil or military, excepting that of Governor. The fame incapacity is extended to natives, who are in the fervice of any foreign prince. All the citizens have a right to enter into the fervice of any foreign ftate, even though at war with Pruffia. The three eftates of Neuchatel and Valengin fhall be affembled every year. The magiftrates and officers of juftice hold their employments during good behaviour; nor is the King the judge of ill behaviour. The King, at his acceffion, takes an oath to maintain all the rights, liberties, franchifes, and cuftoms, written or unwritten. The King is confidered as refident only at Neuchatel, and therefore when abfent, can only addrefs the citizens through his Governor and the council of ftate. No citizen can be tried out of the country, or otherwife than by the judges. The Prince confers nobility, and nominates to the principal offices of ftate, civil and military: the chatelains and mayors, who prefide in the feveral courts of juftice, are alfo of his nomination. The Prince, in his abfence, is reprefented by a Governor of his own appointing. He convokes the three eftates; prefides in that affembly, has the cafting vote, and the power of pardon in his abfence, his place is fupplied by the fenior counfellor of state. The three eftates form the fuperior tribunal; and to them lies an appeal from the inferior courts of juftice. They are compofed of twelve judges, divided into three eftates: the first confifts of the four fenior counsellors of flate, who are noble; the fecond, of the four chatelains of Landeron, Boudry, Valde Travers, and Thielle; the third, of four counsellors of the town of Neuchatel. The judges in the first and fecond divifion hold their places for life; thofe in the third are appointed annually.

The council of state is entrusted with the execution of the laws, the administration, and police. They are nominated by the King, and not limited in number.

The legislative authority refides conjunctively in the prince, the council of state, and the town, or people; each of which has a negative. Their criminal laws are mild, and the penalty marked out with precifion and perfonal liberty is tenderly and fecurely protected, as it is in England or America, where the fame laws in fubftance and fpirit prevail. The liberties of the people, though the moft abfolute monarch in Germany is firft magiftrate, are better fecured than even in the most democratical cantons of Switzerland, where there is no property to contend for beyond the value of a pail of milk, a kid, or a lamb. Liberal encouragement is given to ftrangers to fettle in the country. They enjoy every privilege of trade and commerce. This enlarged policy has greatly augmented their population, while a narrower principle in fome of the Swifs cantons occafions a decrease of their people. The ancient conftitution of Rhodes was probably much like this of Neuchatel, in three branches, and was accordingly celebrated as one of the beft models of government in antiquity, and had effects equally happy upon the order, liberty, commerce, and population of that country. This happy mixture in three branches has been the never-failing means of reconciling law and liberty, in ancient and in modern times. Ita demum liberam civitatem fore, ita æquatas leges, fi fua quifque jura

ordo,

erdo, fuam majeftatem teneat. This is the only conftitution in which the citizens can be truly faid to be in that happy condition of freedom and difcipline, fovereignty and fubordination, which the Greeks expreffed fo concilely by their Αρχειν και αρχεσθαι.

Dr. Adams, we cannot doubt, has been actuated by a fincere defire to serve his native country by his labours, and we hope his countrymen will entertain a grateful fenfe of their obligations to bim for his continued exertions in their behalf. We moft fincerely pray, that their councils may be fo directed as to enable them, ultimately, to adopt that form of government which is beft fitted to their fituation and circumftances, and which ball teod, in the most effectual manner, to preferve the liberty of the citizen, and promote the general profperity of the ftate.

*Liv. lib. iii. c. 63.

ART. IV. The Hiftory of the Revolution of South Carolina, from a British Province to an Independent State. By David Ramfay, M. D. Member of the American Congrefs. 8vo. 2 Vols. 125. Boards. Printed at Trenton (in North America), and fold in London by Stockdale.

OUTH Carolina was the theatre of feveral important events

during the American war; it will, therefore, be of great advantage to writers of another century when they fit down to the cool talk of giving a general hiftory of that war, to have memoirs from both parties, by which they may compare and correc the accounts of each. When fuch works come to be undertaken, we are perfuaded this local hiftory of that great revolution will claim peculiar regard, as a candid and intelligent narrative. Dr. Ramfay obferves, that he faw with regret the tranfactions of each fucceeding year occupying the public mind, while thofe of the preceding were faft haftening to oblivion. He conceived that the revolution of the governments of America, from British provinces into independent ftates, exhibit many ufeful leffons both to princes and people."

This view of the great event, incited him to compile a fuccinct account of the beginning, progrefs, and conclufion of the war, which terminated in a change of the government of that part of the United States with which he was beft acquainted. He would have been pleased,' it is added, could he have extended his plan; and his work, perhaps, would have been more acceptable: but his knowledge of the affairs of the middle and northern Rates was not fufficiently particular to warrant his attempting the hiftory of the whole.'-He declares that, embracing every opportunity of obtaining genuine information, he has fought for truth, and that he has afferted nothing but what he believes to be fact. If he should be mistaken, he will, on conviction of his REV. April 1788. error,

X

error, willingly retract it. During the whole time of his writing he has carefully watched the workings of his mind, left paffion, prejudice, or party fpirit, fhould warp his judgment. He has endeavoured to imprefs on himfelf how much more honourable it was to write impartially for the good of mankind, than to condescend to be the apologift of a party.'

From a perufal of his recital of tranfactions and events that are yet recent and in memory, we give full credit to his profeffions of integrity; though fome British names are treated with great freedom on account of martial rigours occafionally exercifed on the Author's neighbours. But amid the peculiar animofities of civil war, outrages are liberally charged to each other's account, beyond what are judged conformable to the laws of violence. The ufages of war are indeed fufficiently inhuman; and though they país as matters of courfe in news-paper details, the horror of them is blazoned in the narrations of the sufferers, or their friends. But when a country rifes in arms, and the natives meet in defultory hoftility, the fcruples of private morality feldom check the improvement of inftant advantages. Of this nature both parties have tales to tell, that are regarded by neither; for the ruin or extermination of individuals, is nothing to political chiefs, attentive only to fuch events as affect the principal fchemes they labour to carry into execution.

Inftead of quoting the details of well-known operations, we fhall give the worthy Author's character of the American Whigs and Tories:

The diftinction of Whig and Tory took its rife in the year 1775Both parties in the interior country were then embodied, and were obliged to imprefs provifions for their respective fupport. The advocates for Congrefs prevailing, they paid for articles confumed in their camps; but as no funds were provided for discharging the expences incurred by the royalifts, all that was confumed by them was confidered as a robbery. This laid the foundation of a piratical war between Whigs and Tories, which eventually was productive of great diftrefs, and deluged the country with blood. In the interval between the infurrection of 1775, and the year 1780, the Whigs were occafionally plundered by parties who had attempted infurrections in favour of royal government. But all that was done prior to the furrender of Charleston was trifling when compared to what followed. After that event political hatred raged with uncommon fury, and the calamities of civil war defolated the state. The ties of nature were in feveral inftances diffolved, and that reciprocal good-will and confidence, which hold mankind together in fociety, was in a great degree extinguished. Countrymen, neighbours, friends, and brothers, took different fides, and ranged themfelves under the oppofing ftandards of the contending factions. In every little precina, more efpecially in the interior parts of the ftate, King'smen and Congrefs-men were names of diftinction. The paffions on both fides were kept in perpetual agitation, and wrought up to a

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degree