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tion of all their old enjoyments of the con. Suppositions and implications will not veniences and comforts of an old settled weigh in these important cases. No law or country, friends, neighbours, relations, and constitution forbade the king's doing what homes.
he did in granting those charters. “ Suppose, therefore, that the crown had “ Confuted, most undoubtedly, you are beyond been so ill advised as to have granted a charter the possibility of a reply, as far as the law and to any city or county here in England, pretend- constitution of the realm are concerned in this ing to exempt them from the power and juris- question." diction of an British Parliament. Is it possi
This is hallooing before you are out of ble for you to believe an absurdity so gross and
the wood. glaring ?"
“Strange, that though the British Parliament The American settlers needed no exemption has been, from the beginning, thus unreasonable, from the power of Parliament; they were ne- thus unjust and cruel towards you, by levying cessarily exempted, as soon as they landed taxes on many commodities outwards and in. out of its jurisdiction. Therefore, all this wards”— rhetorical paragraph is founded on a mistake
False! Never before the restoration. The of the author, and the absurdity he talks of is of his own making.
Parliament, it is acknowledged, have made “Good heavens! what a sudden alteration which have passed without opposition, partly
many oppressive laws relating to America, is this! An American pleading for the extenthrough the weakness of the colonies, partly sion of the prerogative of the crown! Yes, if through their inattention to the full extent it could make for his cause ; and for extending of their rights, while employed in labour to it, too, beyond all the bounds of the law, of rea- procure the necessaries of life. But that is son, and of common sense !"
a wicked guardian, and a shameless one, What stuff! Why may not an American who first takes advantage of the weakness plead for the just prerogatives of the crown ? incident to minority, cheats and imposes on And is it not a just prerogative of the crown his pupil, and when the pupil comes of age, to give the subjects leave to settle in a for- urges those very impositions as precedents eign country, if they think it necessary to
to justify continuing them and adding others. ask such leave? Was the Parliament at all considered, or consulted, in making those “But surely you will not dare to say, that first settlements? Or did any lawyer then we refuse your votes wben you come hither to think it necessary ?
offer them, and choose to poll. You cannot
have the face to assert that on an election-day “ Now this clause, which is nothing more any difference is put between the vote of a man than the renunciation of absolute prerogative, is born in America, and of one born here in Engquoted in our newspapers, as if it was a renun- land.” ciation of the rights of Parliament to raise taxes."
This is all banter and insult, when you It was not a renunciation of the rights of know the impossibility of a million of freeParliament. There was no need of such a holders coming over sea to vote here. If renunciation, for Parliament had not even their freeholds in America are within the pretended to such a right. But, since the realm, why have they not, in virtue of these royal faith was pledged by the king for freeholds, a right to vote in your elections, as himself and his successors, how can any suc
well as an English freeholder? Sometimes ceeding king, without violating that faith, ever give his assent to an act of Parliament we are told, that our estates are by our char
ters all in the manor of East Greenwich, and for such taxation.
therefore all in England ; and yet have we “ Nay, many of your colony charters assert any right to vote ainong the voters of East quite the contrary, by containing the express Greenwich? Can we trade to the same reservations of parliamentary rights, particularly ports? In this very paragraph, you suppose that great one of levying taxes."
ihat we cannot vote in England, if we come A fib, Mr. Dean. In one charter only, and hither, till we have by purchase acquired a that a late one, is the Parliament mentioned ; right; therefore neither we nor our estates and the right reserved is only that of laying are represented in England. duties on commodities imported into England from the colony or exported to it.
“ The cause of your complaint is this; that
you live at too great a distance from the mother “ And those charters, which do not make such country to be present at our English elections ; provisions in express terms, must be supposed and that, in consequence of this distance, the virtually to imply them; because the law and freedom of our towns, or the freeholds in our constitution will not allow, that the king can counties, as far as voting is concerned, are not do more either at home or abroad by the prero- worth attending to. It may be so; but pray gative royal, than the law and constitution consider, if you yourselves choose to make it authorizes him to do."
I inconvenient for you to come and vote, by reVoi. II.
tiring into distant countries,—what is that to jects are, therefore, not properly vested with
rights relating to government. This is all beside the mark. The Ame
Yet we raise no commotions; we ricans are by their constitutions provided neither ring the alarm-bell, nor sound the trum. with a representation, and therefore neither pet, and submit to be taxed without being repreneed nor desire any in the British Parlia- sented; and taxed, let me tell you, for your ment. They have never asked any such sakes. All was granted when you cried for thing. They only say, Since we have a help." right to grant our own money to the king, This is wickedly false. While the colosince we have assemblies where we are nies were weak and poor, not a penny or a represented for such purposes, why will you single soldier was ever spared by Britain meddle, out of your sphere, take the money for their defence. But as soon as the trade that is ours, and give us yours, without our with them became an object, and a fear consent?
arose that the French would seize that trade “ Yes, it is, and you demand it too with a and deprive her of it, she sent troops to loud voice, full of anger, of defiance, and de- America unasked. And she now brings nunciation."
this account of the expense against us, An absolute falsehood! We never de- which should be rather carried to her own manded in any manner, much less in the merchants and manufacturers. We joined manner you mention, that the mother coun- our troops and treasure with hers to help try should change her constitution.
her in this war. Of this no notice is taken. " In the great metropolis, and in many other To refuse to pay a just debt is knavish ; cities, landed property itself hath no representa- not to return an obligation is ingratitude; tive in Parliament. Copy-holds and lease-holds but to demand payment of a debt where of various kinds have none likewise, though none has been contracted, to forge a bond or of ever so great a value."
an obligation in order to demand what was Copy-holds and lease-holds are supposed
never due, is villany. Every year both to be represented in the original landlord king and Parliament, during the war, acof whom they are held. Thus all the land knowledged that we had done more than in England is in fact represented, notwith-is equivalent to a receipt in full
, and en
our part, and made us some return, which standing what he here says. As to those who have no landed property in a county,
tirely sets aside this monstrous claim. the allowing them to vote for legislators is If you are not just to your own people, how
By all means redress your own grievances. an impropriety. They are transient inhabitants, and not so connected with the welfare can we trust you? We ask no representaof the state, which they may quit when
tion among you; but if you have any thing they please, as to qualify them properly for wrong among yourselves, rectify it, and do such' privilege.
not make one injustice a precedent and plea
for doing another. That would be increas“ And, besides all this, it is well known that ing evil in the world instead of diminishthe East India Company, which have such vast ing it. settlements, and which dispose of the fate of
You need not be concerned about the kings and kingdoms abroad, have not so much number to be added from America. We do as a single member, or even a single vote,
desire to come among you; but you quatenus a company, to watch over their interests at home. And may not their property, tional members, by removing those that are
may make some room for your own addiperhaps a little short of one hundred millions sent by the rotten boroughs. sterling, as much deserve to be represented in Parliament, as the scattered townships or strag.
“I must now tell you, that every member gling houses of some of your provinces in of Parliament represents you, and me, and our America ? '
interests in all essential points, just as much as
if we had voted for him. For although one By this argument it may be proved, that no man in England has a vote. The clergy place or one set of men may elect and send him have none as clergymen; the lawyers, none member, he is the equal guardian of all.”
up to Parliament, yet, when once he becomes a as lawyers ; the physicians, none as physicians; and so on. But is they have votes
In the same manner, Mr. Dean, are the as freeholders, that is sufficient; and that pope and cardinals representatives of the no freeholder in America has for a repre
whole Christian church. Why don't you sentative in the British Parliament. The obey them ? stockholders are many of them foreigners, “ This, then, being the case, it therefore foland all may be so when they please, as no- lows, that our Birminghams, Manchesters, thing is more easy than the transferring of Leeds, Halifaxes, &c. and your Bostons, Newstock and conveying property beyond sea Yorks, and Philadelphias, are as really, though by bills of exchange. Such uncertain sub- not so nominally, represented, as any part whatsoever of the British empire; and that each of Nay, in order to favour your plantations, I am these places have in fact, instead of one or two, not permitted to plant this herb on my own not less than five hundred and fifty-eight guar- estate, though the soil should be ever so proper dians in the British Senate."
for it.” What occasion is there then, my dear You lay a duty on the tobacco of other sir, of being at the trouble of elections ? | countries, because you must pay money for The peers alone would do as well for our that, but get ours in exchange for your guardians, though chosen by the king, or manufactures. born such. If their present number is too Tobacco is not permitted to be planted in small, his majesty may be good enough to England, lest it should interfere with corn add five hundred and fifty-eight, or make necessary for your subsistence. Rice you the present House of Commons and their cannot raise. It requires eleven months. heirs-male peers for ever. If having a vote Your suinmer is too short. Nature, not in elections would be of no use to us, how the laws, denies you this product. is it of any to you? Elections are the cause of much tumult, riot, contention, and The Parliament now gives you a bounty of
“ And what will you say in relation to temp? mischief. Get rid of them at once, and
eight pounds per ton for exporting your hemp for ever.
from North America, but will allow me nothing It proves that no man ought to pay for growing it here in England.” any tax but that only to which the member of his own town, city, or county hath particularly
Did ever any North American bring his assented."
hemp to England for this bounty ? We You seem to take your nephew for a siin- have yet not enough for our own consump
tion. We begin to make our own cordage. pleton, Mr. Dean. Every one, who votes
You want to suppress that manufacture, Ir a representative, knows and intends, that the inajority is to govern, and that the and would do it by getting the raw material
from us. You want to be supplied with consent of the majority is to be understood as the consent of the whole; that being demands money. These were the motives
hemp for your manufactures, and Russia ever the case in all deliberative assemblies. for yiving what you are pleased to call a
• The doctrine of implication is the very bounty to us. We thank you for your bounthing to which you object, and against which ties. We love you, and therefore must be you have raised so many batteries of popular obliged to you for being good to yourselves. noise and clamour."
You do not encourage raising hemp in EngHow far, my dear sir, would you your land, because you know it impoverishes the self carry the doctrine of implication? If richest grounds; your land holders are all important positions are to be implied, when against it. What you call bounties given not expressed, I suppose you can have no by Parliament and the society, are nothing objection to their being implied where some more than inducements offered us, to perexpression countenances the implication. suade us to leave employments that are If you should say to a friend, “I am your more profitable, and engage in such as would humble servant, sir,” ought he to imply be less so without your bounty; to quit a from thence that you will clean his shoes? business profitable to ourselves, and engage
“ And consequently you must maintain, that in one that shall be profitable to you. This all those in your several provinces who have no is the true spirit of all your bounties. votes," &c.
Your duties on foreign articles are from No freeholder in North America is with the same motives. Pitch, tar, and turpenout a vote. Many, who have no freeholds, tine used to cost you five pounds a barrel have nevertheless a vote; which, indeed, 1 when you had them from foreigners, who don't think was necessary to be allowed.
used you ill into the bargain, thinking you
could not do without them. You gave a “ You have your choice whether you will bounty of five shillings a barrel to the coloaccept of my price for your tobacco; or, after nies, and they have brought you such plenty bringing it here, whether you will carry it away, and try your fortune at another market." rel. Take back your bounties when you
as to reduce the price to ten shillings a barA great kindness this, to oblige me first please, since you upbraid us wit them. to bring it here, that the expense of another Buy your indigo, pitch, silk, and tobacco voyage and freight may deter me from carry- where you please, and let us buy our manuing it away, and oblige me to take the price factures where we please. I fancy we shall you are pleased to offer.
be gainers. As to the great kindness of “ But I have no alternative allowed, being these five hundred and fifty-eight parliaobliged to buy yours at your own price, or else mentary guardians of American privileges, to pay such a duty for the tobacco of other who can forbear smiling, that has seen the countries, as must amount to a prohibition. Navigation Act, the Hatters' Act, the Steel. Hammer and Slit-Iron Act, and numberless I of you should pay the sum of one shilling' others restraining our trade, obstructing our Blush, blush, for shame at your perverse and manufactures, and forbidding us the use of scandalous behaviour !" the gifts of God and nature. Hopeful guar- Blush for shame at your own ignorance, dians, truly! Can it be imagined, that, if Mr. Dean, who do not know, that the colowe had a reasonable share in electing them, nies have taxes, and heavy ones of their from time to time, they would thus have own to pay, to support their own civil and used us !
military establishments; and that the shil“And must have seen abundant reason lings should not be reckoned upon heads, before this time to have altered your former but upon pounds. There never was a sillier hasty and rash opinion."
argument. We see in you abundance of self-conceit, “ Witness our county taxes, militia taxes, but no convincing argument.
poor taxes, vagrant taxes, bridge taxes, high-road “ Have you no concerts or assemblies, no
and turnpike taxes, watch taxes, lamp and scaplay-houses or gaming-houses, now subsisting? venger taxes, &c. &c. &c.” Have you put down your horse-races and other
And have we not all these taxes too, as such like sports and diversions? And is the well as you, and our provincial or public luxury of your tables, and the variety and pro- taxes besides ? And over and above, have fusion of your wines and liquors, quite banished we not new roads to make, new bridges to from among you?"
build, churches and colleges to found, and This should be a caution to Americans, a number of other things to do, that your how they indulge for the future in British fathers have done for you, and which you luxuries. See here British generosity: inherit from them, but which we are obliged The people, who have made you poor by to pay for out of our present labour ? their worthless, I mean useless, commodi. “We require of you to contribute only one ties, would now make you poorer by taxing shilling to every twenty from each of us. Yes, you; and from the very inability you have and this shilling too to be spent in your own brought on yourselves, by a partiality for country, for the support of your own civil and their fashions and modes of living, of which military establishments.” they have had the whole profit, would now
How fond he is of this one shilling and urge your ability to pay ihe taxes they are twenty. Who has desired this of you, and pleased to impose. Reject, then, their com- who can trust you to lay it out? If you merce as well as their pretended power of are thus to provide for our civil and military taxing. Be frugal and industrious, and you establishments, what use will there afterwill be free. The luxury of your tables, wards be for our assemblies ? which could be known to the English only “ And yet, small and inconsiderable as this by your hospitably entertaining them, is by share is, you will not pay it. No, you will these grateful guests now made a charge not! and it is at our peril if we demand it ! against you, and given as a reason for tax- No! we will pay nothing on compuling you.
sion. “ Be it also allowed, as it is commonly as
“ For how, and in what manner, do you prove serted, that the public debt of the several provinces amounts to eight hundred thousand your allegations ? Why truly by breaking forth
into riots and insurrections, and by committing pounds sterling." I have heard, Mr. Dean, that you have every kind of violence that can cause trade to
stagnate, and industry to cease." studied political arithmetic more than divinity, but, by this sample of it, I fear to very
The Americans never brought riots as little purpose. If personal service were the arguments. It is unjust to charge two or matter in question, out of so many millions three riots in particular places upon all of souls, so many men might be expected, America. Look for arguments in the petiwhether here or in America. But when tions and remonstrances of the assemblies, raising money is the question, it is not the who detest riots, of which there are ten in number of souls, but the wealth in posses- England for one in America. sion, that shows the ability. If we were • Perhaps you meant to insinuate (though it twice as numerous as the people of Eng. was prudence in you not to speak out), that land, it would not follow that we are half the late act was ill-contrived and ill-timed, beas able. There are numbers of single cause it was made at a juncture when neither estates in England, each worth a hundred the French were in your rear to frighten, nor of the best of ours in North America. The the English fleets and armies on your front to city of London alone is worth all the pro- force you to a compliance.” vinces of North America.
It seems a prevailing opinion in England, “ When each of us pays, one with another, that fear of their French neighbours would twenty shillings per head, we expect that each have kept the colonies in obedience to the
Parliament, and that if the French power thousand pounds, which you seem to think had not been subdued, no opposition would so much clear profit to us, when, in fact, have been made to the Stamp Act. A very they never spend a penny among us, but groundless notion. On the contrary, had they have for it from us a penny's worth. the French power continued, to which the The manufactures they buy are brought Americans might have had recourse in the from you; the provisions we could, as we case of oppression from Parliament, Parlia- always did, sell elsewhere for as much ment would not have dared to oppose them. money. Holland, France, and Spain would It was the employment of fifty thousand all be glad of our custom, and pleased to men by land and a fleet on the coast, for five see the separation. years, to subdue the French only. Half the
“And after all, and in spite of any thing land army were provincials. Suppose the British twenty-five thousand had acted by greatest part of your European trade, because
you can do, we in Britain shall still retain the themselves, with all the colonies against
we shall give a better price for many of your them; what time would it have taken to commodities, than you can have any where else, subdue the whole ?
and we shall sell to you several of our manufac" Or shall we give you entirely up, unless tures, especially in the woollen-stuff and metal you will submit to be governed by the same way, on cheaper terms.” laws as we are, and pay something towards
Oho! Then you will still trade with us! maintaining yourselves ?"
But can that be without our trading with The impudence of this language to colo- you? And how can you buy our oil, if we nies, who have ever maintained themselves, catch no whales? is astonishing! Except the late attempted
The leaders of your parties will then be colonies of Nova Scotia and Georgia, no setting all their engines to work, to make fools colony ever received maintenance in any become the dupes of fools." shape from Britain ; and the grants to those
Just as they do in England. colonies were mere jobs for the benefit of ministerial favourites, English or Scotchmen. “And instead of having troops to defend “ Whether we are to give you entirely up,
them, and those troops paid by Great Britain, and, after having obliged you to pay your debts, they must defend themselves, and pay them
selves." whether we are to have no further connexion with you as a dependent state or colony”—
To defend them !—To oppress, insult, and Throughout all America English debts murder them, as at Boston! are more easily recovered than in England, Not to mention that the expenses of your the process being shorter and less expensive, civil governments will be necessarily increased ; and land subject to execution for the pay. and that a fleet more or less must belong to each ment of debts. Evidence, taken ex parte in province for guarding their coasts, insuring the England, to prove a debt, is allowed in their payment of duties, and the like.” courts, and during the whole dispute there was not one single instance of any English author. The same were predicted to the
These evils are all imaginations of the merchant's meeting with the least obstruc- Netherlands, but have never get happened. tion in any process or suit commenced there But suppose all of them together, and many for that purpose.
more, it would be better to bear them than • Externally, by being severed from the Bri- submit to parliamentary taxation. We might tish empire, you will be excluded from cutting still have something we could call our own. logwood in the bays of Campeachy and Hon. But, under the power claimed by Parliaduras, from fishing on the banks of Newfound- ment, we have not a single sixpence. land, on the coast of Labrador, or in the bay The author of this pamphlet, Dean Tucker, of St. Lawrence, &c.”
has always been haunted with the fear of We have no use for logwood, but to re- the seat of government being soon to be remit it for your
fineries. We joined in con- moved to America. He has, in his Tracts quering the Bay of St. Lawrence and its on Commerce, some just notions in matters dependencies. As to the Sugar Islands, if of trade and police, mixed with many wild you won't allow us to trade with them, per- and chimerical fancies totally impracticable. haps you will allow them to trade with us; He once proposed, as a defence of the coloor do you intend to starve them? Pray nies, to clear the woods for the width of a keep your bounties, and let us hear no more mile all along behind them, that the Indians of them ;-and your troops, who never pro- might not be able to cross the cleared part tected us against the savages, nor are fit for without being seen ; forgetting that there is zuch a service ;—and the three hundred a night in every twenty-four hours.