connexions with us, that should make them expeditions, might be grievous and ruinous heartily concerned for our welfare; and might to the people, and would put them upon a possibly be fond of raising and keeping up footing with the subjects of France in Canada, more forces than necessary, from the profits that now groan under such oppression from accruing to themselves, and to make provision their governor, who for two years past has for their friends and dependents. harassed them with long and destructive marches to Ohio. That the counsellors in most of the colonies, being appointed by the crown, on the recommendation of governors, are often persons of small estates, frequently dependent on the governors for offices, and therefore too much under influence. That there is therefore great reason to be jealous of a power, in such governors and councils, to raise such sums as they shall judge necessary, by drafts on the lords of the treasury, to be afterwards laid on the colonies by act of parliament, and paid by the people here; since they might abuse it, by projecting useless expeditions, harassing the people, and taking them from their labour to execute such projects, merely to create offices and employments, and gratify their dependents, and divide profits. That the parliament of England is at a great distance, subject to be misinformed and misled by such governors and councils, whose united interests might probably secure them against the effect of any complaint from hence. That it is supposed an undoubted right of Englishmen, not to be taxed but by their own consent, given through their representatives. That the colonies have no representatives in parliament. That to propose taxing them by parliament, and refuse them the liberty of choosing a representative council, to meet the colonies, and consider and judge of the necessity of any general tax, and the quantum, shows a suspicion of their loyalty to the crown, or of their regard for their country, or of their common sense and understanding; which they have not deserved. ' That compelling the colonies to pay money without their consent, would be rather like raising contributions in an enemy's country, than taxing of Englishmen for their own public benefit. That it would be treating them as a conquered people, and not as true British subjects. That a tax laid by the representatives of the colonies might be easily lessened as the occasion should lessen; but being once laid by parliament under the influence of the representations made by governors, would probably be kept up, and continued for the benefit of governors; to the grievous burden and discontentment of the colonies, and prevention of their growth and increase. That if the colonies in a body may be well governed by governors and councils appointed by the crown, without representatives; particular colonies may as well, or better be so governed; a tax may be laid upon them all by act of parliament for support of government; and their assemblies may be dismissed as an useless part of the constitution. That the powers proposed by the Albany plan of union, to be vested in a grand council representative of the people, even with regard to military matters, are not so great, as those which the colonies of Rhode Island and Connecticut are entrusted with by their charters, and have never abused; for by this plan, the president-general is appointed by the crown, and controls all by his negative; but in those governments, the people choose the governor, and yet allow him no negative. That the British colonies bordering on the French are properly frontiers of the British empire; and the frontiers of an empire are properly defended at the joint expense of the body of the people in such empire:-it would now be thought hard by act of parliament to oblige the Cinque Ports or sea coasts of Britain, to maintain the whole navy, because they are more immediately defended by it, not allowing them at the same time a vote in choosing members of the parliament; and, as the frontiers of America bear the expense of their own defence, it seems hard to allow them no share in voting the money, judging of the necessity and sum, or advising the measures. That besides the taxes necessary for the defence of the frontiers, the colonies pay yearly great sums to the mother country unnoticed: for 1. Taxes paid in Britain by the landholder or artificer must enter into and increase the price of the produce of land and manufactures made of it; and great part of this is paid by consumers in the colonies, who thereby pay a considerable part of the British taxes. 2. We are restrained in our trade with foreign nations; and where we could be supplied with any manufacture cheaper from them, but must buy the same dearer from Britain, the difference of price is a clear tax to Britain. 3. We are obliged to carry a great part of our produce directly to Britain; and where the duties laid upon it lessen its price to the planter, or it sells for less than it would in foreign markets, the difference is a tax paid to Britain. That a power in governors, to march the inhabitants from one end of the British and French colonies to the other, being a country of at least one thousand five hundred miles long, without the approbation or the consent 4. Some manufactures we could make, but of their representatives first obtained to such are forbidden and must take them of British VOL. II....2 A 16* merchants: the whole price is a tax paid to Britain. 5. By our greatly increasing the demand and consumption of British manufactures, their price is considerably raised of late years; the advantage is clear profit to Britain, and enables its people better to pay great taxes; and much of it being paid by us, is clear tax to Britain. 6. In short, as we are not suffered to regulate our trade, and restrain the importation and consumption of British superfluities (as Britain can the consumption of foreign superfluities) our whole wealth centres finally amongst the merchants and inhabitants of Britain; and if we make them richer, and enable them better to pay their taxes, it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves, and equally beneficial to the crown. These kind of secondary taxes, however, we do not complain of, though we have no share in the laying or disposing of them: but to pay immediate heavy taxes, in the laying, appropriation, and disposition of which, we have no part, and which perhaps we may know to be as unnecessary as grievous, must seem hard measures to Englishmen, who cannot conceive, that by hazarding their lives and fortunes in subduing and settling new countries, extending the dominion, and increasing the commerce of the mother nation, they have forfeited the native rights of Britons; which they think ought rather to be given to them, as due to such merit, if they had been before in a state of slavery lency was pleased to honour me with, on the subject of uniting the colonies more intimately with Great Britain, by allowing them representatives in parliament, I have something further considered that matter, and am of opinion, that such an union would be very acceptable to the colonies, provided they had a reasonable number of representatives allowed them; and that all the old acts of parliament restraining the trade or cramping the manufactures of the colonies be at the same time repealed, and the British subjects on this side the water put, in those respects, on the same footing with those in Great Britain, till the new parliament, representing the whole, shall think it for the interest of the whole to reenact some or all of them: it is not that I imagine so many representatives will be allowed the colonies, as to have any great weight by their numbers; but I think there might be sufficient to occasion those laws to be better and more impartially considered, and perhaps to overcome the interest of a petty corporation, or of any particular set of artificers or traders in England, who heretofore seem, in some instances, to have been more regarded than all the colonies, or than was consistent with the general interest, or best natural good. I think too, that the government of the colonies by a parliament, in which they are fairly represented, would be vastly more agreeable to the people, than the method lately attempted to be introduced by royal instruction; as well as more agreeable to the nature of an English constitution, and to English liberty; and that such laws, as now seem to bear hard on the colonies, would best interest of the whole) be more cheerfully submitted to, and more easily executed. These, and such kinds of things as these, I apprehend, will be thought and said by the people, if the proposed alteration of the Al-(when judged by such a parliament for the bany plan should take place. Then the administration of the board of governors' and council so appointed, not having the repre- I should hope too, that by such an union, sentative body of the people to approve and the people of Great Britain, and the people of unite in its measures, and conciliate the the colonies would learn to consider themminds of the people to them, will probably be- selves, as not belonging to different commucome suspected and odious; dangerous ani- nities with different interests, but to one commosities and feuds will arise between the go-munity with one interest; which I imagine vernors and governed; and every thing go would contribute to strengthen the whole, into confusion. and greatly lessen the danger of future sepa Perhaps I am too apprehensive in this mat-rations. ter; but having freely given my opinion and reasons, your excellency can judge better than I, whether there be any weight in them, and the shortness of the time allowed me will I hope in some degree excuse the imperfections of this scrawl. With the greatest respect and fidelity, I have the honour to be B. FRANKLIN. III. Letter on the subject of uniting the Colonies more intimately with Great Britain, by Representatives in Parliament. BOSTON, Dec. 22, 1754. SIR,-Since the conversation your excel It is, I suppose, agreed to be the general interest of any state, that its people be numerous and rich; men enow to fight in its defence, and enow to pay sufficient taxes to defray the charge; for these circumstances tend to the security of the state, and its protection from foreign power. But it seems not of so much importance, whether the fighting be done by John or Thomas, or the tax paid by William or Charles. The iron manufacture employs and enriches British subjects, but is it of any importance to the state, whether the manufacturer lives at Birmingham or Shef field, or both; since they are still within its bounds, and their wealth and persons still at extreme richness and fertility of the land; the healthy temperature of the air, and mildness of the climate; the plenty of hunting, fishing, and fowling; the facility of trade with the Indians; and the vast convenience of inland navigation or water-carriage by the lakes and great rivers, many hundred of leagues around. From these natural advantages it must undoubtedly (perhaps in less than another century) become a populous and powerful dominion; and a great accession of power either to England or France. The French are now making open encroachments on these territories, in defiance of our known rights; and, if we longer delay to settle that country, and suffer them to possess it, these inconveniences and mischiefs will probably follow: 1. Our people, being confined to the coun its command? Could the Goodwin Sands be mountains, on both sides the Ohio, and belaid dry by banks, and land equal to a large. tween that river and the lakes is now well county thereby gained to England, and pre-known, both to the English and French, to be sently filled with English inhabitants, would one of the finest in North America, for the it be right to deprive such inhabitants of the common privileges enjoyed by other Englishmen, the right of vending their produce in the same ports, or of making their own shoes; because a merchant or a shoemaker, living on the old land, might fancy it more for his advantage to trade or make shoes for them? Would this be right even if the land were gained at the expense of the state! And would it not seem less right, if the charge and labour of gaining the additional territory to Britain had been borne by the settlers themselves? And would not the hardships appear yet greater, if the people of the new county should be allowed no representatives in the parliament enacting such impositions? Now I look on the colonies as so many counties gained to Great Britain, and more advantageons to it, than if they had been gained out of the seas around its coasts, and joined to its lands; for being in different climates, they afford greater variety of produce, and materials for more manufactures; and being separated by the ocean, they increase much more its shipping and seamen: and, since they are all included in the British empire, which has only extended itself by their means; and the strength and wealth of the parts is the strength and wealth of the whole; what imports it, to the general state, whether a mer-pulse, or delay. chant, a smith, or a hatter, grows rich in Old or New England? and if, through increase of the people, two smiths are wanted for one employed before, why may not the new smith be allowed to live and thrive in the new country, as well as the old one in the old? In fine, why should the countenance of a state be partially afforded to its people, unless it be most in favour of those who have most merit? And if there be any difference, those who have most contributed to enlarge Britain's empire and commerce, increase her strength, her wealth, and the numbers of her people, at the risk of their own lives and private fortunes in new and strange countries, methinks ought rather to expect some preference. With the greatest respect and esteem, I have the honour to be, your excellency's most obedient and humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. Plan for settling two Western Colonies in North America, with Reasons for the Plan, 1754.* THE great country back of the Apalachian * This plan was given to governor Pownall, 1754, for the purpose of being inserted in his memorial. "Extract of a Memorial drawn up by order of, and presented to, his royal highness the duke of Cumberland, 1756, by T. Pownall. "In other parts of our frontier, that are not the immediate residence and country of Indians, some other even this cannot be carried -into execution -All species of barrier should be thought of for which no- an army, or as an emigration of colonists, can march without posts communicating among each other by prac "It is a fact, which experience evinces the truth of, that we have always been able to outsettle the French; and have driven the Indians out of the country more by settling than fighting: and that whenever our settle. ments have been wisely and completely made, the French, neither by themselves nor their dogs of war, the Indians, have been able to remove us. It is upon this fact I found the propriety of the measure of settling a barrier colony in those parts of our frontiers, which are not the immediate residence or hunting grounds of our In dians. This is a measure that will be effectual; and will not only in time pay its expense, but make as great returns as any of our present colonies do; will give strength and unity to our dominions in North America; and give us possession of our country, as well as settlement in it. But above all this, the state and circumstances of our settlements render such a measure not only proper and eligible, but absolutely necessary. The English settlements, as they are at present circum. stanced, are absolutely at a stand; they are settled up to the mountains; and in the mountains there is no enough to subsist by itself, and to defend itself, and where together land sufficient for a settlement large preserve a communication with the present settlements. If the English would advance one step further, or cover themselves where they are, it must be at once, by one large step over the mountains, with a numerous and military colony. Where such should be settled, I do not take upon me to say; at present I shall only point out the measure and the nature of it, by inserting two schemes, one of Dr. Franklin's, the other of your memorialist; and if I might indulge myself with scheming, I should imagine that two such were suffi cient, and only requisite and proper: one at the back nations and southern confederacy, and connecting inte our system, our barrier; the other somewhere in the Cohass or Connecticut river, or wherever, best adapted to cover the New England colonies. These, with the little settlements mentioned above in the Indian countries, complete my idea of this branch."-See Governor Pownall's Administration of the Colonies. Vol. II. p. 228--231, 5th edition. of Virginia, filling up the vacant space between the five try between the sea and the mountains, can- 4. They will cut us off from all commerce and alliance with the western Indians, to the great prejudice of Britain, by preventing the sale and consumption of its manufactures. country, among many numerous and distant nations, greatly to the benefit of Britain. 5. The settlement of all the intermediate lands, between the present frontiers of our colonies on one side, and the lakes and Mississippi on the other, would be facilitated and speedily executed, to the great increase of Englishmen, English trade, and English power. The grants to most of the colonies are of long narrow slips of land, extending west from the Atlantic to the South Sea. They are much too long for their breadth; the extremes at too great a distance; and therefore unfit to be continued under their present dimensions. Several of the old colonies may conveniently be limited westward by the Alleghany or Apalachian mountains; and new colonies formed west of those mountains. 5. They will both in time of peace and war (as they have always done against New A single old colony does not seem strong England) set the Indians on to harass our enough to extend itself otherwise than inch frontiers, kill and scalp our people, and drive by inch: it cannot venture a settlement far in the advanced settlers; and so, in prevent-distant from the main body, being unable to ing our obtaining more subsistence by cultivating of new lands, they discourage our marriages, and to keep our people from increasing; thus (if the expression may be allowed) killing thousands of our children before they are born support it: but if the colonies were united under one governor-general and grand council, agreeable to the Albany plan, they might easily, by their joint force, establish one or more new colonies, whenever they should judge it necessary or advantageous to the in If two strong colonies of English were set-terest of the whole. tled between the Ohio and lake Erie, in the places hereafter to be mentioned, these advantages might be expected: But if such union should not take place, it is proposed that two charters be granted, cach for some considerable part of the lands west of 1. They would be a great security to the Pennsylvania and the Virginian mountains, frontiers of our other colonies; by preventing to a number of the nobility and gentry of the incursions of the French and French In- Britain; with such Americans as shall join dians of Canada, on the back parts of Penn- them in contributing to the settlement of those sylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and the Caroli-lands, either by paying a proportion of the nas; and the frontiers of such new colonies would be much more easily defended, than those of the colonies last mentioned now can be, as will appear hereafter. 2. The dreaded junction of the French settlements in Canada with those of Louisiana would be prevented. 3. In case of a war, it would be easy, from those new colonies, to annoy Louisiana, by going down the Ohio and Mississippi; and the southern part of Canada, by sailing over the lakes; and thereby confine the French within narrow limits. expense of making such settlements, or by actually going thither in person, and settling themselves and families. That by such charters it be granted, that every actual settler be entitled to a tract of acres for himself, and acres for every poll in the family he carries with him; and that every contributor of guineas be entitled to a quantity of acres, equal to the share of a single settler, for every such sum of guineas contributed and paid to the colony treasurer; a contributor for shares to have an additional share gratis; that settlers may likewise be contributors, and have right of land in both capacities., 4. We should secure the friendship and trade of the Miamis or Twigtwees (a numerous people consisting of many tribes, inhabit- That as many and as great privileges and ing the country between the west end of lake powers of government be granted to the conErie, and the south end of lake Huron, and tributors and settlers, as his majesty in his the Ohio) who are at present dissatisfied with wisdom shall think most fit for their benefit the French, and fond of the English, and and encouragement, consistent with the gewould gladly encourage and protect an in-neral good of the British empire; for extraorfant English settlement in or near their country, as some of their chiefs have declared to the writer of this memoir. Further, by means of the lakes, the Ohio, and the Mississippi, our trade might be extended through a vast dinary privileges and liberties, with lands on easy terms, are strong inducements to people to hazard their persons and fortunes in settling new countries: and such powers of government as (though suitable to the circumstances, and fit to be trusted with an infant colony) | rica, and has the particular advantage of seamight be judged unfit, when it becomes po- coal in plenty (even above ground in two pulous and powerful; these might be granted places) for fuel, when the woods shall be defor a term only; as the choice of their own stroyed. This colony would have the trade governor for ninety-nine years; the support of of the Miamis or Twigtwees; and should, at government in the colonies of Connecticut and first, have a small fort near Hockockin, at the Rhode Island (which now enjoy that and head of the river; and another near the mouth other like privileges) being much less ex- of Wabash. Sanduski, a French fort near the pensive, than in the colonies under the im- lake Erie, should also be taken; and all the mediate government of the crown, and the little French forts south and west of the lakes, constitution more inviting. quite to the Mississippi, be removed, or taken and garrisoned by the English.-The colonists for this settlement might assemble near the heads of the rivers in Virginia, and march over land to the navigable branches of the Kanhawa, where they might embark with all their baggage and provisions, and fall into the Ohio, not far above the mouth of Sciota. Or they might rendezvous at Will's Creek, and go down the Monongahela to the Ohio. That the first contributors to the amount of guineas be impowered to choose a treasurer to receive the contribution. That no contributions be paid till the sum of thousand guineas be subscribed. That the money thus raised be applied to the purchase of the lands from the Six Nations and other Indians, and of provisions, stores, arms, ammunition, carriages, &c. for the settlers; who, after having entered their names with the treasurer, or person by him appointed to receive and enter them, are, upon public notice given for that purpose, to rendezvous at a place to be appointed, and march in a body to the place destined for their settlement, under the charge of the government to be established over them. Such rendezvous and march however not to be directed, till the number of names of settlers entered, capable of bearing arms, amount at least to thousand It is apprehended, that a great sum of money might be raised in America on such a scheme as this; for there are many who would be glad of any opportunity, by advancing a small sum at present, to secure land for their children, which might in a few years become very valuable; and a great number it is thought of actual settlers might likewise be engaged (some from each of our present colonies) sufficient to carry it into full execution by their strength and numbers; provided only, that the crown would be at the expense of removing the little forts the French have erected in their encroachments on his majesty's territories, and supporting a strong one near the falls of Niagara, with a few small armed vessels, or half-galleys to cruize on the lakes. For the security of this colony in its infancy, a small fort might be erected and for some time maintained at Buffalo-creek on the Ohio, above the settlement; and another at the mouth of the Tioga, on the south side of lake Erie, where a port should be formed, and a town erected, for the trade of the lakes. The colonists for this settlement might march by land through Pennsylvania The river Sciota, which runs into the Ohio about two hundred miles below Logs Town, is supposed the fittest seat for the other colony; there being for forty miles on each side of it, and quite up to its heads, a body of all rich land; the finest spot of its bigness in all North Ame The fort and armed vessels at the strait of Niagara would be a vast security to the frontiers of these new colonies against any attempts of the French from Canada. The fort at the mouth of the Wabash would guard that river, the Ohio, and Outawa river, in case any attempt from the French of Mississippi. (Every fort should have a small settlement round it; as the fort would protect the settlers, and the settlers defend the fort and supply it with provisions.) The difficulty of settling the first English colonies in America, at so great a distance from England, must have been vastly greater than the settling these proposed new colonies: for it would be the interest and advantage of all the present colonies to support these new ones; as they would cover their frontiers, and prevent the growth of the French power behind or near their present settlements; and the new country is nearly at equal distance from all the old colonies, and could easily be assisted from all of them. And as there are already in all the old colonies many thousands of families that are ready to swarm, wanting more land; the richness and natural advantage of the Ohio country would draw most of them thither, were there but a tolerable prospect of a safe settlement. So that the new colonies would soon be full of people; and from the advantage of their situation, become much more terrible to the French settlements, than those are now to us. The gaining of the back Indian trade from the French, by the navigation of the lakes, &c. would of itself greatly weaken our enemies-it being now their principal support, it seems highly probable, that in time they must be subjected to the British crown, or driven out of the country. Such settlements may better be made now, than fifty years hence, because it is easier to settle ourselves, and thereby prevent the French settling there, as they seem now to |