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territory, or three separate counties, it may be to inquire into their own powers, upon a design Froper to inform him, that the forbearances of these gentlemen in that district, were altogether as remarkable as their assumptions in the province; and to refer him to the following extract of a genuine letter of Mr. secretary Logan's to one Henry Goldney, an intimate friend of the first proprietary William Penn for a solution of all doubts concerning the dif-vernment over them. This I doubt will give the ference.

to set new measures on foot, and have sent home an address by one of their members, Thomas Coutts' brother, who is to negotiate the matter with the lords of trade and the ministry, to obtain powers to some person or other, who the queen may think fit (though Coutts designs it for himself) to discharge all the necessary duties of go

"Henry Goldney.

"PHILADELPHIA, 3d month the 12th, 1709.

proprietary great trouble, for when the council of trade is fully apprized, as by this means they will be, that those counties are entirely disjoined from the province, it is probable they may more strictly inquire into the proprietor's right of government and legislation with the people there and it is much to be feared that they may advise the queen to dispose of the government of those parts some other way, which would be exceedingly destructive to the interest of the province in general. * * Upon the whole, what I have to propose is this, whether it would not be most advisable for the proprietor to consider in time what measures are most fit for him to take for his own and the

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"ESTEEMED FRIEND,I was favoured last fall with thine and other friends answer to mine of 3d month last; the contents of which were extremely satisfactory, and on my part I shall not be wanting to discharge my duty to the utmost of my power; but in my opinion, since the proprietor has several times mentioned that he had proposals made to him for the purchase of a large tract of land on Susquehannah, for which he hall an offer of 50001. sterling, it would be most advis-country's interest, before the blow falls so heavy able for him to accept of any such terms, that so he may speedily have the management of his country to himself, by paying the debt there which he has contracted upon it; to which I wish thee and his other good friends would earnestly press him, for in himself I know he is in such cases somewhat too doubtful and backward. "I now design, through the greatest confidence in thy friendship both to him and me, to be very free with thee in an affair that nearly concerns him and this country in general, in which I shall request thee to exercise thy best thoughts, and, according to the result of these heartily to employ the necessary endeavours: the case is briefly as

follows:

"This government has consisted of two parts; the province of Pennsylvania, and the three lower counties on Delaware. To the first the proprietor has a most clear and undoubted right, both for soil and government, by the king's letters patent or royal charter; for the latter he has much less to show for the soil he has deeds of feofment from the duke of York, but for the government not so much as is necessary. After his first arrival, however, in these parts, he prevailed with the people both of the province and those counties to join in one government under him, according to the powers of the king's charter, which nevertheless extended to the province only, and so they continued, not without many fractions, till after the time of his last departure, when some disaffected persons took advantage of a clause, which he had unhappily inserted in a charter he gave the people, and broke off entirely from those lower Counties; since which time we have had two assemblies, that of the province acting by a safe and indisputed power, but that of the other counties without sufficient (I doubt) to justify them. Last fall the assembly of those counties took occasion

that it may prove difficult, if at all practicable, for him to ward it off; whether, therefore, it may not be most prudent to part with the government of both province and lower counties together, upon the best terms that can be obtained, before it proves too late for him to procure any. If he should hold the government of the province, nay even of the whole, during his life, he will never gain any thing by it; and, after his decease, it will be lost, or at least be put out of the hands of friends, and perhaps without any previous terms at all, when now he may be capable himself to negotiate a surrender, both to his own particular interest, and greatly to the advantage of the profession; but whenever this is done, he should remember our present lieutenant-governor, who will be a sufferer (I fear at best) by undertaking the charge; and if any thing fall of course in the way, I wish he would not quite forget an old trusty servant of his, who has been drudging for him these ten years (but that is not the business.) This I thought necessary to advise thee of, considering thee as one of his best and heartiest friends, and desire thee to communicate the matter to such others as may be most serviceable, but by no means expose this letter, for I would have that kept very private. I have wrote to the same purpose to the proprietary himself very fully, but finding, by long experience, how little it avails to write to himself alone of matters relating to his own interest, I now choose this method, and give this early notice before the addresses from hence shall come to hand, which, with the addresses already gone from the lower counties, will certainly do our business whether the proprietor will agree to it or not, and therefore best take time while it offers. I shall commit this to thy prudence and discretion, and conclude, thy real loving friend,

JAMES LOGAN."

HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL,

BEFORE THE REVOLUTION.

ALBANY PAPERS.

Containing, I. Reasons and Motives on which the PLAN OF UNION FOR THE COLONIES was formed; II. Reasons against partial Unions; III. And the Plan of Union drawn by Benjamin Franklin, and unanimously agreed to by the Commissioners from New Hampshire, Massachusett's Bay, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, met in Congress at Albany, in July 1754, to consider of the best Means of defending the King's Dominions in America, &c., a War being then apprehended; with the Reasons or Motives for each Article of

the Plan.

Benjamin Franklin, was one of the four commissioners from Pennsylvania.t

vourite laws, powers, or points, that they think could not at other times be obtained, and so creating disputes and quarrels; one assembly waiting to see what another will do, being afraid of doing more than its share, or desirous of doing less, or refusing to do any thing, because its country is not at present so much exposed as others, or because another will reap more immediate advantage; from one or other of which causes, the assemblies of six (out of seven) colonies applied to, had granted no assistance to Virginia, when lately invaded by the French, though purposely convened, and the importance of the occasion earnestly urged upon them; considering moreover, that one principal encouragement to the

I. Reasons and Motives on which the Plan French, in invading and insulting the British

of Union was formed.

THE Commissioners from a number of the northern colonies being met at Albany, and considering the difficulties that have always attended the most necessary general measures for the common defence, or for the annoyance of the enemy, when they were to be carried through the several particular assemblies of all the colonies; some assemblies being before at variance with their governors or councils, and the several branches of the government not on terms of doing business with each other; others taking the opportunity, when their concurrence is wanted, to push for fa

This plan was intended for all the colonies. Some of the commissioners not attending, their consent to it was not universally expressed. Governor Pownall says, "He had an opportunity of conversing with, and knowing the sentiments of the commissioners appoint ed by their respective provinces, to attend this congress, to which they were called by the crown; of learning from their experience and judgment, the actual state of the American business and interest; and of hearing amongst them, the grounds and reasons of that American union, which they then had under deliberation, and transmitted the plan of to England;" and he adds, were collected in an authentic manner on this subject in the plan proposed by Dr. Franklin, and unanimously

in another place," that the sentiments of our colonies

agreed to in congress." See governor Pownall's Administration of the British Colonies. Vol. i. p. 13. Edit. 4. 1774, and vol. ii. 86.

"Mr. (since governor Hutchinson was one of the Commissioners for Massachusetts' Bay." "Thomas Pownall, Esq. brother to John Pownall, Esq. one of the secretaries to the board of trade, and afterwards govern

or of Massachusetts, was upon the spot." History of the British Empire in North America, p. 25.

American dominions, was their knowledge of our disunited state, and of our weakness arising from such want of union; and that from hence different colonies were, at different times, extremely harassed, and put to great expense both of blood and treasure, who would have remained in peace, if the enemy had had cause to fear the drawing on themselves the resentment and power of the whole; the said commissioners, considering also the present encroachments of the French, and the mischievous consequences that may be expected from them, if not opposed with our force, came to an unaniinous resolution,That an union of the colonies is absolutely necessary for their preservation.

this union was the next point. When it was The manner of forming and establishing considered, that the colonies were seldom all in equal danger at the same time, or equally near the danger, or equally sensible of it; that some of them had particular interests to manage, with which an union might interfere; and that they were extremely jealous of each other; it was thought impracticable to obtain a joint agreement of all the colonies to an union, in which the expense and burden of defending any of them should be divided among them all; and if ever acts of assembly in all the colonies could be obtained for that purpose, yet as any colony, on the least dissatisfaction, might repeal its own act and thereby withdraw itself from the union, it 176

would not be a stable one, or such as could be depended on: for if only one colony should, on any disgust withdraw itself, others might think it unjust and unequal that they, by continuing in the union, should be at the expense of defending a colony, which refused to bear its proportionable part, and would therefore one after another, withdraw, till the whole crumbled into its original parts. Therefore the commissioners came to another previous resolution, viz. That it was necessary the union should be established by act of parliament.

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4. The Indian trade would be better regulated by the union of the whole than by the partial unions. And as Canada is chiefly supported by that trade, if it could be drawn into the hands of the English (as it might be if the Indians were supplied on moderate terms, and by honest traders appointed by and acting for the public) that alone would contribute greatly to the weakening of our enemies.

5. The establishing of new colonies westward on the Ohio and the lakes (a matter of considerable importance to the increase of British trade and power, to the breaking that of the French, and to the protection and security of our present colonies,) would best be carried on by a joint union.

They then proceeded to sketch out a plan of union, which they did in a plain and concise manner, just sufficient to show their sentiments of the kind of union that would best suit the circumstances of the colonies, be 6. It was also thought, that by the frequent most agreeable to the people, and most ef- meetings together of commissioners or reprefectually promote his majesty's service, and sentatives from all the colonies, the circumthe general interest of the British empire. stances of the whole would be better known, This was respectfully sent to the assemblies and the good of the whole better provided for ; of the several colonies for their consideration, and that the colonies would by this connexion and to receive such alterations and improve-learn to consider themselves, not as so many ments as they should think fit and necessary; independent states, but as members of the after which it was proposed to be transmitted same body; and thence be more ready to afto England to be perfected, and the establishment of it there humbly solicited. This was as much as the commissioners could do.*

II. Reasons against partial Unions.` It was proposed by some of the commissioners, to forin the colonies into two or three distinct unions; but for these reasons that proposal was dropped even by those that made it: viz.

1. In all cases where the strength of the whole was necessary to be used against the enemy, there would be the same difficulty in degree, to bring the several unions to unite together, as now the several colonies; and consequently the same delays on our part and advantage to the enemy.

2. Each union would separately be weaker than when joined by the whole, obliged to exert more force, be oppressed by the expense, and the enemy less deterred from attacking it.

3. Where particular colonies have selfish views, as New York with regard to Indian trade and lands; or are less exposed, being covered by others, as New Jersey, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Maryland; or have particular whims and prejudices against warlike measures in general, as Pennsylvania, where the quakers predominate; such colonies would have more weight in a partial union, and be better able to oppose and obstruct the measures necessary for the general good, than where they are swallowed up in the general

union.

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ford assistance and support to each other, and to make diversions in favour even of the most distant, and to join cordially in any expedition for the benefit of all against the common enemy.

These were the principal reasons and motives for forming the plan of union as it stands. To which may be added this, that as the union of the

The remainder of this article was lost. III. Plan of a proposed Union of the several Colonies of Massachusett's Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, for their mutual Defence and Security, and for extending the British Settlements in North America, with the Reasons and Motives for each Article of the Plan [as far as could be remembered.]

It is proposed-That humble application be made for an act of parliament of Great Britain, by virtue of which one general government may be formed in America, including all the said colonies, within and under which government each colony may retain its present constitution, except in the particulars wherein a change may be directed by the said act, as

hereafter follows.*

PRESIDENT-GENERAL, AND GRAND COUNCIL.

That the said general government be administered by a president-general, to be appointed and supported by the crown; and

*The reader may perceive, by the difference of the Italic and Roman type, which is the text of the plan, and which the reasons and motives mentioned in the title. They are thus printed for perspicuity and for con venience.

a grand council, to be chosen by the repre- | satisfaction, and that the colonies could not be sentatives of the people of the several colonies easy under such a power in governors, and met in their respective assemblies. such an infringement of what they take to be English liberty.

It was thought that it would be best the president-general should be supported as well as appointed by the crown; that so all disputes between him and the grand council concerning his salary might be prevented; as such disputes have been frequently of mischievous consequence in particular colonies, especially in time of public danger. The quit-rents of crown-lands in America might in a short time be sufficient for this purpose.-The choice of members for the grand council is placed in the house of representatives of each government, in order to give the people a share in this new general government, as the crown has its share by the appointment of the president-ge

neral.

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Besides, the giving a share in the choice of the grand council would not be equal with respect to all the colonies as their constitutions differ. In some, both governor and council are appointed by the crown. others, they are both appointed by the proprietors. In some, the people have a share in the choice of the council; in others, both government and council are wholly chosen by the people. But the house of representatives is every where chosen by the people; and therefore, placing the right of choosing the grand council in the representatives is equal with respect to all.

"That the grand council is intended to represent all the several houses of representatives of the colonies, as a house of represent

But it being proposed by the gentlemen of the council of New York, and some other counsellors among the commissioners, to alteratives doth the several towns or counties of a the plan in this particular, and to give the governors and council of the several provinces a share in the choice of the grand council, or at least a power of approving and confirming, or of disallowing the choice made by the house of representatives, it was said:

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That the government or constitution proposed to be formed by the plan, consists of two branches; a president-general appointed by the crown, and a council chosen by the people, or by the people's representatives, which is the same thing.

"That by a subsequent article, the council chosen by the people can effect nothing without the consent of the president-general appointed by the crown; the crown possesses therefore full one half of the power of this constitution.

"That in the British constitution, the crown is supposed to possess but one third, the lords having their share.

"That this constitution seemed rather more favourable for the crown.

"That it is essential to English liberty, that the subject should not be taxed but by his own consent, or the consent of his elected representatives.

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That taxes to be laid and levied by this proposed constitution will be proposed and agreed to by the representatives of the people, if the plan in this particular be preserved: "But if the proposed alteration should take place, it seemed as if matters may be so managed, as that the crown shall finally have the appointment not only of the president-general, but of a majority of the grand council; for seven out of eleven governors and councils are appointed by the crown:

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colony. Could all the people of a colony be consulted and unite in public measures, a house of representatives would be needless, and could all the assemblies conveniently consult and unite in general measures, the grand council would be unnecessary.

"That a house of commons or the house of representatives, and the grand council, are thus alike in their nature and intention. And as it would seem improper that the king or house of lords should have a power of disallowing or appointing members of the house of commons;—so likewise, that a governor and council appointed by the crown should have a power of disallowing or appointing members of the grand council (who, in this constitution, are to be the representatives of the people.)

"If the governors and councils therefore were to have a share in the choice of any that are to conduct this general government, it should seem more proper that they choose the president-general. But this being an office of great trust and importance to the nation, it was thought better to be filled by the immediate appointment of the crown.

"The power proposed to be given by the plan to the grand council is only a concentration of the powers of the several assemblies in certain points for the general welfare; as the power of the president-general, is of the powers of the several governors in the same points.

"And as the choice therefore of the grand council, by the representatives of the people, neither gives the people any new powers, nor diminishes the power of the crown, it was thought and hoped the crown would not disapprove of it."

Upon the whole, the commissioners were of opinion, that the choice was most properly placed in the representatives of the people.

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ton to Philadelphia and New York; and from Rhode Island to New York through the sound, in two or three days; and from New York to Philadelphia, by water and land, in two days, by stage boats and wheel carriages that set out every other day. The journey from Charleston to Philadelphia may likewise be facilitated by boats running up Chesapeake bay three hundred miles. But if the whole journey be performed on horseback, the most distant members (viz. the two from New Hampshire and from South Carolina) may probably render themselves at Philadelphia in fifteen or twenty days; the majority may be there in much less time.

NEW ELECTION.

That there shall be a new election of the members of the grand council every three years; and on the death or resignation of any member, his place should be supplied by a new choice at the next sitting of the assembly of the colony he represented.

Some colonies have annual assemblies, some continue during a governor's pleasure; three affording a new member time to improve himyears was thought a reasonable medium, as self in the business, and to act after such improvement; and yet giving opportunities, frequently enough, to change him, if he has mis

behaved.

It was thought, that if the least colony was allowed two, and the others in proportion, the number would be very great, and the expense heavy; and that less than two would not be convenient, as a single person, being by any accident prevented appearing at the meeting, the colony he ought to appear for would not be represented. That as the choice was not immediately popular, they would be generally men of good abilities for business, and men of reputation for integrity; and that forty-eight such men might be a number sufficient. But, though it was thought reasonable, that each PROPORTION OF MEMBERS AFTER THE FIRST colony should have a share in the representative body in some degree, according to the proportion it contributed to the general treasury: yet the proportion of wealth or power of the colonies is not to be judged by the proportion here fixed; because it was at first agreed, that the greatest colony should not have more than seven members, nor the least less than two: and the setting these proportions between these two extremes was not nicely attended to, as it would find itself, after the first election from the sums brought into the treasury, as by a subsequent article.

PLACE OF FIRST MEETING.

-who shall meet for the first time at the city of Philadelphia in Pennsylvania, being called by the president-general as soon as conveniently may be after his appointment.

THREE YEARS.

That after the first three years, when the proportion of money arising out of each colony to the general treasury can be known, the number)of members to be chosen for each colony shall from time to time, in all ensuing elections, be regulated by that proportion (yet so as that the number to be chosen by any one province be not more than seven, nor less than two.)

By a subsequent article it is proposed, that the general council shall lay and levy such general duties, as to them may appear most equal and least burdensome, &c. Suppose, for instance, they lay a small duty or excise on some commodity imported into or made in the colonies, and pretty generally and equally used in all of them; as rum perhaps, or wine: the yearly produce of this duty or excise, if Philadelphia was named as being the nearer fairly collected, would be in some colonies the centre of the colonies, where the commis- greater, in others less, as the colonies are sioners would be well and cheaply accommo- greater or smaller. When the collector's acdated. The high-roads, through the whole counts are brought in, the proportions will extent, are for the most part very good, in appear; and from them its proposed to reguwhich forty or fifty miles a day may very late the proportion of representatives to be well be and frequently are travelled. Great chosen at the next general election, within the part of the way may likewise be gone by limits however of seven and two. These water. In summer time, the passages are numbers may therefore vary in course of frequently performed in a week from Charles-years, as the colonies may in the growth and

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