JULY, 1813.] British Barbarities. [H. OF R. the time he shall be absent from the seat of Govern- | referred that part of the President's Message ment on said mission." And the question being taken on said motion, was decided in the negative. A motion was then made by Mr. SHEFFEY to add the following proviso to the end of a section of the bill: "Provided, That nothing in this or any other act contained shall be construed to authorize any allowance to the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, resident at the Court of St. Petersburg, for any services as Minister to negotiate a Treaty of Peace with Great Britain, beyond the sum of $4,500, included in the appropriation hereinbefore mentioned; which sum is hereby authorized to be paid to the said Minister, if the President shall deem it proper." And, after much debate, the question thereon being taken by yeas and nays, it appeared that there were for the amendment 55, against it 55. The House being equally divided, the SPEAKER decided the said question in the negative. And the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow. Bounty to Privateers. The bill allowing a bounty to the owners officers, and crews of the private armed vessels of the United States, passed through a Committee of the Whole, and was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow, in the following words: A bill allowing a bounty to the owners, officers, and crews of private armed vessels. Be it enacted, &c., That a bounty of twenty-five dollars be paid to the owners, officers, and crews of the private armed vessels of the United States, commissioned as letters of marque, for each and every prisoner by them captured and brought into port, and delivered to an agent authorized to receive them, in any part of the United States; and that the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized and required to pay or cause to be paid to such owners, officers, and crews of private armed vessels commissioned as aforesaid, or their agent, the aforesaid bounty for each person captured and delivered as aforesaid. And be it further enacted, That the sum of fifty thousand dollars, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, be, and the same is hereby appropriated. THURSDAY, July 29. British Licenses. The House went into Committee of the Whole on the bill to prohibit the use of licenses or passes issued by the Government of Great Britain. After several ineffectual attempts to amend the bill, the committee rose and reported it without amendment. The bill was then read the third time, and passed, yeas 78, nays 33. which relates to the spirit and manner in which the war has been waged by the enemy; made a report, including a voluminous mass of testimony on the subject. The report is as follows. The committee, to whom was referred that part of the President's Message which relates to the spirit and manner in which the war has been waged by the enemy, report: That they have collected and arranged all the testimony on this subject which could at this time be procured. This testimony is submitted to the consideration of the House, arranged under the following heads: 1. Bad treatment of American prisoners: 2. Detention of American prisoners as British subjects, on the plea of nativity in the dominions of Great Britain, or of naturalization; 3. Detention of mariners as prisoners of war, who were in England when the war was declared; 4. Compulsory service of impressed American seamen on board British ships of war; 5. Violation of flags of truce; 6. Ransom of American prisoners from Indians in the British service; 7. Pillage and destruction of private property on the Chesapeake Bay, and in the neighboring country; 8. Massacre and burning of American prisoners surrendered to officers of Great Britain, by Indians in the British service; abandonment of the remains of Americans killed in battle, or murdered after the surrender to the British; the pillage and shooting of American citizens, and the burning of their houses after surrender to the British under the guarantee of protection; 9. Outrages at Hampton, in Virginia. The evidence under the first head demonstrates that the British Government has adopted a rigor of regulation unfriendly to the comfort, and apparently unnecessary to the safekeeping of American prisoners generally. It shows, also, instances of a departure from the customary rules of war by the selection and confinement in close prisons of particular persons, and the transportation of them for undefined causes from the ports of the British colonies to the island of Great Britain. The evidence under the second head establishes the fact, that however the practice of detaining American citizens as British subjects may be regarded as to the principle it involves, that such detentions continue to occur through the agency of the naval and other commanders of that Government. It proves, too, that however unwilling to allow other nations to naturalize her subjects, Great Britain is disposed to enforce uralized under her own laws. This practice, even the obligation entered into by their citizens when natsupposing the release of every person thus detained, obviously subjects our captured citizens, upon mere suspicion, to hardships and perils from which they ought to be exempt according to the established rules in relation to prisoners of war. The evidence under the third head shows, that while all other American citizens were permitted to depart within a reasonable time after the declaration of war, all mariners who were in the dominions of Great Britain, whether they resorted to her ports in time of peace for lawful purposes, or were forced into them under pretence of illegal commerce, are considMr. MACON, from the committee to whom was ered prisoners of war. The injustice of this exception SATURDAY, July 31. British Barbarities. H. OF R.] British Barbarities. is not more apparent than the jealousy it discloses to- | wards that useful class of our fellow-citizens. But the committee can but remark, that if the practice of hiring American seamen to navigate British vessels is generally adopted and authorized, and that it is suffered, appears from the advertisement of George Maude, the British agent at Port Royal, which is to be found with the testimony collected under the first head, that the naval strength of that empire will be increased in proportion to the number of our seamen in bondage. The present war having changed the relation of the two countries, the pretended right of impressment can no longer be exercised, but the same end may be accomplished by the substitution of this mode. Every seaman thus employed (the terms of whose engagement have not been ascertained) increases the naval strength of the enemy, not only by depriving the United States of his active services, but by enabling Great Britain to carry on and even extend her commerce without diminishing the number of sailors employed in her vessels of war. The testimony collected under the fourth head proves, that it is the ordinary practice of the officers of British armed vessels to force impressed Americans to serve against their country by threats, by corporal punishment, and even by the fear of immediate execution; an instructing commentary upon the professions of the Government of its readiness to release impressed American seamen found on board ships of war! On the evidence collected under the fifth head, it is only necessary to observe that, in one case, the case of Dr. McKeehan, the enormity is increased by the circumstances of the flag being divested of every thing of a hostile character, having solely for its object the relief of the wounded and suffering prisoners who were taken at the river Raisin, on the 22d January, 1813 The treatment of Dr. McKeehan, not by the allies of Great Britain, but by the officers of her army, can only be rationally accounted for by the supposition, that it was considered good policy to deter American surgeons from going to the relief of their countrymen, as the Indian surgeons had a more speedy and effectual mode of relieving their sufferings. The evidence respecting the ransom of American prisoners from Indians, collected under the sixth head, deserves attention, principally from the policy it indicates, and as it is connected with Indian cruelties. Considering the savages as an auxiliary military force, in the pay of Great Britain, the amount of ransom may be regarded as part of their stipulated compensation for military service; and as ransoms would be increased and their value enhanced by the terror inspired by the most shocking barbarities, it may be fairly concluded, whatever may be the intention of the British Government, that the practice of redeeming captives by pecuniary means will be occasionally quickened by the butchery of our fellow citizens, and by indignities offered to their remains; as long as the Indians are employed by the enemy. The justice of this conclusion is confirmed by the testimony of those witnesses who were retained after ransom as prisoners of war. The testimony collected under the seventh head shows, that the private property of unarmed citizens has been pillaged by the officers and crews of the British vessels of war on our coast, their houses burnt, and places of public worship mutilated and defiled. It appears that the officers, animated by the presence of Admiral Cockburn, particularly distinguished [JULY, 1813. themselves in these exploits. This evidence proves, that they were governed by the combined motives of avarice and revenge; not satisfied with bearing off, for their own convenience, the valuable articles found, the others which furnished no allurements to their cupidity, were wantonly defaced and destroyed. It has been alleged, in palliation of these acts of wanton cruelty, that a flag sent on shore by the Admiral was fired upon by the American militia. The evidence proves this not to be the fact. This pretence has been resorted to only to excuse conduct which no circumstances can justify. The committee forbear to make any observations upon the testimony collected under the eighth head, from a perfect conviction that no person of this or any other nation can read the simple narrative of the different witnesses of the grossest violations of honor, justice, and humanity, without the strongest emotions of indignation and horror. That these outrages were perpetrated by Indians, is neither palliation nor excuse. Every civilized nation is answerable for the conduct of the allies under their command, and while they partake of the advantages of their success, they are equally partakers of the odium of their crimes. The British forces concerned in the affair of the 224, at the river Raisin, are more deeply implicated in the infamy of these transactions than by this mode of reasoning, however correct. The massacre of the 23d January, after the capitulation, was perpetrated without any exertion on their part to prevent it; indeed, it is apparent, from all the circumstances, that if the British officers did not connive at their destruction, they were criminally indifferent about the fate of the wounded prisoners.* But what marks *Sworn statement of Dr. GUSTAVUS M. BOWER, surgeon's mate, Kentucky Volunteers: NICHOLASVILLE, KY., April 24, 1813. famous and barbarous conduct of the British and Indians On the morning of the 23d, shortly after light, six or eight Messrs. Bradford, Searls, Turner, and Blythe, were collected around a carryall, which contained articles taken by JULY, 1813.] British Barbarities. [H. OF R. more strongly the degradation of the character of the The committee have considered it their duty to British soldiers, is the refusal of the last offices of hu- submit the evidence collected under the ninth head, manity to the bodies of the dead. The bodies of of the atrocities committed at Hampton, although our countrymen were exposed to every indignity, and these enormities have been committed since their apbecome food for brutes in the sight of men who affect pointment. These barbarities may be rationally cona sacred regard to the dictates of honor and religion. sidered as the consequence of the example set by the Low indeed is the character of that army which is officers of the naval force on our coast. Human turreduced to the confession, that their savage auxilia-pitude is always progressive, and soldiers are preries will not permit them to perform the rites of sep-pared for the perpetration of the most dreadful ulture to the slain. The committee have not been crimes by the commission of minor offenses with imable to discover even the expression of that detestation punity. That troops who had been instigated by the which such conduct must inspire from the military example of their officers, to plunder the property and or civil authority on the Canadian frontier, unless such burn the houses of unarmed citizens, should proceed detestation is to be presumed from the choice of an to rape and murder, need not excite surprise, however Indian trophy as an ornament for the Legislative Hall it may inspire horror. For every detestable violation of Upper Canada. of humanity an excuse is fabricated or found. The the ladians from the citizens. We had all been placed officers, I met, and was made acquainted with Captain there, by our respective captors, except Blythe, who came Elliott, at present a British officer, who had visited Captain where we were, entreating an Indian to convey him to Mal- Hart, then wounded. Captain Hart was solicitous to be reden, promising to give him forty or fifty dollars, and whilst moved that evening, and Captain Elliott replied, if it was in the act of pleading for mercy, an Indian, more savage possible (and every exertion should be made) he should, and than the other, stepped up behind, tomahawked, stripped, if it could not be effected that evening, early in the mornand sealped him. The next that attracted my attentioning he would call for him in his own train (sleigh) and conwas the houses on fire that contained several wounded, vey him to his own house in Amherstburg, where he should whom I knew were not able to get out. After the houses remain until recovered, assuring him repeatedly no danger were nearly consumed, we received marching orders, and was to be apprehended, and, if possible, he would remain after arriving at Sandy Creek, the Indians called a halt, and with him that night. commenced cooking; after preparing and eating a little sweetened gruel, Messrs. Bradford, Scarls, Turner, and my self, received some, and were eating, when an Indian came up and proposed exchanging his moccasins for Mr. Searl's shoes, which he readily complied with. They then exchanged hats, after which the Indian inquired how many men Harrison had with him, and, at the same time, calling Searls a Washington or Madison, then raised his tomahawk and struck him on the shoulder, which cut into the cavity of the body. Searls then caught hold of the tomahawk and appeared to resist, and upon my telling him that his fate was inevitable, he closed his eyes and recived the savage blow which terminated his existence. I was near enough to him to receive the brains and blood, after the fatal blow, on my blanket. A short time after the death of Searls, I saw three others share a similar fate. We then set out for Brownstown. which place we reached about twelve or one o'clock at night. After being exposed to several hours' incessant rain in reaching that place, we were put into the council house, the floor of which was partly covered with water, at which place we remained until the next morning, when we again received marching orders for their village on the river Roughe, which place we made that day, where I was kept six days, then taken to Detroit and sold. Sworn statement of Dr. JOHN TODD, a surgeon in the Kentucky Volunteers: LEXINGTON, May 2, 1818. Sre: I received your letter some time since, relative to the disastrous affair of Frenchtown, of 22d and 23d January last. For the particulars of the action, and the terms of capitulation, I refer you to the official report of General Winchester, which is correct as far as came within my knowledge. After the capitulation, I was introduced to Colonel Proctor, the commander of the British forces and Indians, as one of the surviving surgeons, and by him was requested to attend to our wounded who were left on the ground where the action was fought. I willingly acquiesced, and Doctor Bowers, my mate, remained with me: at the same time I informed Colonel Proctor of my apprehensions for the safety of the wounded and the surgeons; he replied, "be under no apprehensions, you will be perfectly safe, I will place you under the special care of the chiefs until morning, and very early I will send conveyances for the wounded and yourself to Amherstburg." Shortly after, I was requested to ascertain the number and rank of the wounded, and in so doing was assisted by a British officer, (whose name I did not know,) to whom I likewise communicated my apprehensions of safety; he manifested some irritation at my doubts of British honor and magnanimity, and assured me protection would be afforded me. While engazed in this business, one of the rooms occupied by the woanded was crowded with the Indians who were peaceable, but one of them, who could speak English, admonished the British officer of the propriety of stationing interpreters in the houses. Upon my return from this business to the room I occupied, and which was set apart for the wounded In the afternoon Captain Elliott and every British officer left the encampment, leaving behind three interpreters. From the repeated assurances my apprehensions were quieted; for who could doubt? About one hour before daylight (for my duties required my attention nearly all the night) the interpreters suddenly disappeared. About an hour after daylight the Indians began to collect in the town, and commenced plundering the houses in which the wounded were placed, and then stripped them and myself of our clothing. At this time the room I had occupied was so crowded with Indians, and Captain Hart's wound already painful, being injured by then, I conveyed him to an ad joining house which had been plundered and was empty, where I met the Indian, (who, on the preceding day, had requested that interpreters should be left,) and he knew my rauk. He inquired why the surgeons were left, and why the wounded were left? I replied, it was the wish of Colonel Proctor we should remain until he could send for us; and Captain Hart informed him Captain Elliott was a friend of his, and was to call for him that morning. He shook his head significantly, and replied they were damned rascals, or we would have been taken off the preceding day. The Indian informed me every individual would be killed, and requested me to be quiet, for the chiefs were then in council, and may be" only the wounded would be killed. Captain Hart offered him $100 to take him to Malden. He replied, you are too badly wounded. While we were conversing one of the wounded was tomahawked at our feet. Shortly after the Indian returned and told me I was a prisoner, and must go. I was taken by the Indian to the house I had left, and there discovered that Captain Hickman and two others had, in my absence, been tomahawked, scalped, and stripped. Í was tied and taken by this Indian towards Malden about four miles, when I came to the encampment of the British wounded, and met with Captain Elliott and the surgeon of the 41st regiment. Captain Elliott immediately recognized me, and inquired the cause of my situation. I informed him what had taken place, and requested him to send back immediately; that some who were badly wounded might still be alive, and could be saved, and particularly named Captain Hart, for whom he manifested much friendship Captain Elliott replied, it is now too late; you may rest assured that those who are once taken by the Indians are safe, and will be taken to Malden, and those who are badly wounded are killed ere this. I replied, many are unable to walk, and some will be killed after making an effort, and walking several miles, who might be saved. To which he replied, charity begins at home; my own wounded are to be conveyed first, and if any sleighs remain they shall be sent back for your wounded. My anxiety to get some person to return, in hopes of saving some of the prisoners, induced me at length to inake an appeal to their avarice. The surgical instruments of the detachment were left in the room I cupied, and I informed the surgeon of their value and importance at that time; he immediately despatched an interpreter for them, who returned with the information that they were destroyed in the burning of the house, and gave additional confirmation of the massacre of the wounded. I was released from the Indians by Captain Elliott and the I oc H. OF R.] British Barbarities. [JULY, 1813. committee will not dwell on this hateful subject. Human language affords no terms strong enough to express the emotions which the examination of this evidence has awakened; they rejoice that these acts have appeared so incredible to the American people. And for the honor of human nature they deeply regret that the evidence so clearly establishes their truth. In the correspondence between the commander of the American and British forces will be found what is equivalent to an admission of the facts by the Britthat the punishment of the offenders has followed the conviction of their guilt. The power of retaliation being vested by law in the Executive Magistrate, no measure is considered necessary to be proposed, but the resolution annexed to this report. wounded prisoners on the Northern frontier were massacred by Indians; the sick murdered, and the women violated, at Hampton, by the foreign troops in the pay of Great Britain. These pretexts, admitting them to be true, are as disgraceful as the conduct which made a resort to them necessary. Honor and magnanimity not only forbid the soldier to perpetrate crimes, but require every exertion on his part to prevent them. If, in defiance of discipline, acts of violence are committed upon any individual entitled to protection, the exemplary punish-ish commander. The committee have yet to learn ment of the offender can alone vindicate the reputation of the nation by whom he is employed. Whether such exertions were made by the British soldiers, or the character of the British nation thus vindicated, the evidence will show. The shrieks of the innocent victims of infernal lust at Hampton were heard by the American prisoners, but were too weak to reach the ears or disturb the repose of the British officers, whose duty, as men, required them to protect every female whom the fortune of war had thrown into their power. The surgeon. At this time my brother, who was wounded, and several others, were in possession of the Indians, who were taking them towards Malden. I requested their release, and permission for them to accompany me on foot under British protection. Captain Elliott told me it was impossible, and to be under no fears, they were safe; for he knew the fidelity of the Indians with whom they were. When the intelligence of the massacre was by me communicated to Captain Elliott and the surgeon, they appeared much exasperated, and declared it was impossible to restrain the savages. The cause he then assigned to me was, that when the Indians discovered their loss in killed and wounded, and that of the British, they started off towards our wounded, declaring they would have satisfaction, and, he continued, Í was fearful of the event. During the plunder and the massacre, our wounded conducted themselves with the utmost composure and resignation, and made no resistance, which they knew would be fruitless, and destruction to all." It was asserted by Colonel Proctor, in a conversation at Amherstburg, that the Indians had got some whiskey in the house where we were stationed, and had become intoxicated. That the Indians may have had some whiskey I shall not deny; but I think I can safely say, that they did not procure it there, and that was not the cause of the massacre; for, on the preceding days, and subsequent to the action of the 18th, I wanted some spirits, and made application to the housekeeper, who assured me there was none about the house, for it was all consumed by the British and Indians, who had quartered in the house prior to the action of the 18th; besides, the Indians showed no manifestation of drunkenness; their deliberate pilfering, and their orderly conduct throughout, was not such as would be expected from drunken Indians. As such enormities, instead of inspiring terror as was probably intended, are, in the opinion of the committee, calculated to produce a contrary effect, they submit for the consideration of the House the following resolution: Resolved, That the President of the United States Pendleton County, in the town of Falmouth. On the 21st day of April, 1813, I, Albert Ammerman, a private of Captain Glave's company, of the first regiment of Kentucky volunteer militia, being wounded in the battle of the 18th January last, at the river Raisin, by a ball in the flesh of the thigh; and from the window of the house which was appropriated for an hospital, was a witness to the battle of the 22d of the same month. And after the surrender, I being but slightly wounded, proposed marching with the rest of the prisoners, and was prevented by the order of a British officer, who said that a guard would be left to take care of the wounded, and carryalls would be sent for them to ride into Malden on the next morning. But to my astonishment no guard was left, and about sunrise on the morning of the 23d, a party of Indians returned to the hospital, and the first Indian that came to the room was lodged in could speak the English language. He was asked by one of the wounded, what was to be done with the wounded. He replied, they were all to be killed that could not walk; and shortly after a general massacre commenced. I instantly put on my knapsack and went out of the house; my knapsack was demanded by an Indian at the door, to whom I gave it. He conducted me to a log some little distance from the house, on which I sat down, where I witnessed the butchery of many of my fellow-citizens, sufferers by the fire to the houses occupied by the wounded prisoners; many tomahawk and scalping knife, and, to finish the scene, set of them, struggling in the arms of death, put their heads out of the windows whilst enveloped in smoke and flames. After this bloody work was finished, I was marched off in the direction towards Brownstown, by an Indian, and when about half a mile from Frenchtown on our way, was overmounted on a horse. As they approached nearly to us, I taken by two Indians who had Captain Hart in custody, noticed they were speaking loud and animated as if in a quarrel, but not understanding their language, did not understand what passed between them, but think it was probable that the quarrel was occasioned respecting one hundred dollars which I understood Captain Hart had given to one of the Indians aforesaid to convey him to Fort Malden. The quarrel appeared to grow very warm, so much so that the Indians took aim at each other with their guns; and, as tually agreed to kill Captain Hart, and plunder him of the if to settle the dispute, it appeared to me as if they had murest of his money and effects, which they did, by taking him off his horse, then knocked him down with a war club, scalped and tomahawked him, and stripped him naked, leav ing his body on the ground. I was gratified in observing that, during this scene of trial, Captain Hart refrained from supplication or entreaty, but appeared perfectly calm and collected. He met his fate with that firmness which was his particular characteristic. No other prisoner of our army of the United States was present to witness this melancholy Upon my arrival at Malden, I was again solicited to take charge of the wounded; the surgery was opened to me, and I had the use of the medicines and dressings necessary, and they had as comfortable rooms as could be procured. During our stay in Malden some eight or ten of the wounded were brought in by the Indians; several made their escape who were doomed to massacre, and found protection with the inhabitants of the Territory, who brought them into Malden; and several made their escape, wandered in, and delivered themselves up at the fort. Prior to our leaving Malden one poor fellow was brought in scalped alive by the Indians, and delivered up to the British; but before I reached him death put an end to his sufferings. I frequently, and on every occasion, urged the British officers to exert themselves and procure the release of the wounded from the Indians, urging the necessity of having their wounds dressed. In a conversation on this subject with Captain Elliott, and while urging it, he replied, the Indians are excellent surgeons. The prisoners were all marched off to Sandwich, after remaining a few days at Malden, and I was called upon to know how many from their wounds were unable to march, who had sleighs furnished them, which was the case during the march to Fort George. Before I conclude, I must say, that the terms of capitulation were violated in every partic-scene-the death of Captain Hart. During my captivity ular by the enemy. The wounded were not protected; private property was not held sacred; and our side arms were not restored. With a few exceptions, I was treated respectfully by the British officers, save the abuse which was lavished on my Government, and that was by no means sparingly bestowed. with the Indians, five days only, I was treated with more hospitality than I had any reason to expect; much more so than I experienced from the British, after I was ransomed at Detroit, by Mr. Benjamin Chittenden, who will ever be entitled to my utmost gratitude; by him I was humanely treated, and also by some of the French Canadians. tee on their part to wait on the President of the United States, and to inquire of him whether he has any further communications to make to Congress at the present session. Mr. DAWSON and Mr. GROSVENOR were ap The resolution was agreed to, and a commit-pointed of the above-mentioned joint committee, tee appointed to present the same to the Presi- on the part of the House. dent. On motion of Mr. GRUNDY, 5,000 copies of said report were ordered to be printed for the use of the members. MONDAY, August 2. Adjournment. Soon after, Mr. Dawson reported that the committee had performed that service, and that the President answered that he had no further communications to make. Ordered, That a message be sent to the Senate to inform them that this House is now ready to adjourn, and that the clerk do go with the said message. A message from the Senate informed the The Clerk accordingly went with the said House that the Senate, having completed the message; and, having returned, the Speaker adLegislative business before them, are now ready journed the House until the first Monday in Deto adjourn; and they have appointed a commit-cember next. CONFIDENTIAL SUPPLEMENTAL JOURNAL OF SUCH PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE THIRTEENTH CONGRESS, AS, DURING THE TIME THEY WERE DEPENDING, WERE ORDERED TO BE KEPT SECRET, AND RESPECTING WHICH THE INJUNCTION OF SECRECY WAS AFTERWARDS TAKEN OFF BY ORDER OF THE HOUSE. THURSDAY, July 15, 1813. The following preamble and resolution was submitted by Mr. STUART for consideration : Whereas the Seat of the General Government, from the unprepared and defenceless state of the District of Columbia, is in imminent danger, if an attack should be made thereon: And whereas the fleet And the question being taken, it passed in the affirmative-yeas 74, nays 44. TUESDAY, July 20. A Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, which was read, and is [CONFIDENTIAL.] as follows: the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: of the enemy is understood to be within a few hours' sail of the Capitol: And whereas the immense value of public property exposed to destruction, the great value of the public records, and other deeply interest-To ing considerations, render it peculiarly important that any invasion of the Metropolis should be met with There being sufficient ground to infer that it is the vigor and successfully repelled: Whereupon, purpose of the enemy to combine, with the blockade of Resolved, That, in the opinion of this House, a dis-our ports, special licenses to neutral vessels, or to tribution of such arms as are in the possession of the Government, within the District of Columbia, should be immediately made, to be placed in the hands of all able-bodied men within the District, willing to be embodied to perform military duty; and also in the hands of such members of this House as may be willing to receive them, to act against the enemy in any manner not incompatible with their public duties. A question was taken, whether the subjectmatter of the said proposition requires secrecy in discussion, and passed in the affirmative. A motion was then made by Mr. RHEA, of Tennessee, that the said proposition do lie on the table. And the question being taken, it was determined in the negative-yeas 64, nays 74. A motion was made by Mr. GHOLSON to amend the said proposition by striking out the preamble. And the question being taken it passed in the affirmative. A motion was then made by Mr. BURWELL, that the said proposition, as amended, be committed to the Committee on Military Affairs. British vessels in neutral disguises, whereby they may draw from our country the precise kind and quantity of exports essential to their wants, whilst its general commerce remains obstructed; keeping in view, also, the insidious discrimination between different ports of the United States; and as such a system, if not counteracted, will have the effect of diminishing very materially the pressure of the war on the enemy, and encouraging a perseverance in it, at the same time that it will leave the general commerce of the United States under all the pressure the enemy can impose, thus subjecting the whole to British regulation, in the consideration of Congress, the expediency of an subserviency to British monopoly: I recommend to immediate and effectual prohibition of exports, limited to a convenient day in their next session, and removable, in the mean time, in the event of a cessation of the blockade of our ports. WASHINGTON, July 20, 1813. JAMES MADISON. A question was taken whether the subjectmatter of the said Message required secrecy; and passed in the affirmative. |