CHAP. 1777. our proceedings; assuring the preservation of their constitutional rights to all that should return to their duty, but vindicating the authority and dignity of the parent state: to revise or repeal laws, for the sake of a people, who, denying the authority of such laws, could not be aggrieved by their existence, would be grossly absurd; if they persisted in their assertion of independence, our present force and recent success made it evident that we could soon reduce them to submission. In the course of the debate, ministers, though they agreed in opposing the motion, took in some measure different grounds: lord North dwelt still on conciliation, which he seemed to think might be effected by the commissioners; lord George Germaine and others trusted principally to compulsion. Opposition did not fail to remark and comment on this diversity of sentiment; though that body itself, distinguished as it was by the extraordinary eloquence and abilities of several among its speakers, labored still more under the same defect, and lost much power in counteracting ministerial schemes by its own want of unanimity and concert. On the present occasion, this difference of opinion concerning American independence, though discernible, was not so distinctly manifested as it afterwards became, when it produced a schism among lord North's political opponents. Mr. Burke and the Rockingham party early intimated a wish to treat with America without questioning her independence; to which opinion Mr. Fox acceded, avowing it with his usual openness, and supporting it with his characteristic energy: Mr. Dunning, colonel Barré, lords Camden, Shelburne, and Temple, with other connexions of the earl of Chatham, were anxious to conciliate the colonies by redressing their grievances, but to maintain stoutly the supremacy of Great Britain. The motion, which was complained of by ministers as a surprise and an unexpected manœuvre, (no business of importance having been expected before the recess) was negatived by a majority of 109 to 47. After its rejection, many members of opposition, XVII. 1777. particularly those of the Rockingham party, withdrew CHAP. from the house whenever any question relative to America came on for discussion: they attended on ordinary business, and then retired, after making a formal bow to the speaker; alleging, that they were weary of opposing reason and argument to the deaf insolence of power and numbers. This secession was blamed by the majority of opposition itself, who contended that a member of parliament cannot, consistently with his duty, desert the interests of his country, merely from an opinion that he will be outvoted he cannot infer from thence that his attendance will be useless; for a respectable minority, though it cannot carry its own measures, may often modify injurious laws and counsels by exposing their pernicious tendency: it was useless to say that such a secession might operate in certain cases as a call to the people, and awaken them to a sense of danger hanging over the constitution; for no great body could be expected to bend to a mode of conduct, which would appear to be dictated by caprice, or sullenness, or the mortification of party spirit. The resolutions on the army and navy estimates were voted without much opposition; and on the thirteenth of December both houses adjourned for the Christmas recess. During the transaction of these affairs, circumstances occurred which enabled ministers still farther to excite hatred in the people against America. The story of a conspiracy in 1775, on account of which Mr. Sayre had been sent to the Tower, had failed in its intended effect, and by no means increased their popularity; but the present occurrence, from the mystery in which it was involved, and the probable guilt of the party, proved more favorable to their views. At the Domestic close of the year 1776, a conflagration took place at events. the ropehouse in the royal dock-yard of Portsmouth; but the flames were fortunately prevented from extending to the other magazines: a fire also broke out on the seventeenth of January at Bristol, and destroyed six or seven warehouses. These circumstances excited much alarm in the mind of the public, and suspicion XVII. 1777. CHAP at length fell on John Aitken, an obscure Scotchman, by trade a painter, who was said to have lived many years in America, and who had been in Portsmouth and Bristol when the fires occurred at those places: he was arrested for a burglary in Hampshire; when several suspicious articles being found on his person, he was sent up to London, to be examined before the lords of the admiralty, and committed to prison: the principal evidence against him was that of another American painter, who had been employed to draw from him a confession, by apparently sympathising with his misfortunes: on the testimony of this man, John the painter was condemned and executed: before his death, he is said to have acknowleged his guilt to a commissioner of the admiralty, and to have accused Silas Deane, American agent at Paris, of encouraging him to make the criminal attempt. A bill was soon afterwards brought into parliament for more effectually securing his majesty's dock-yards. A new expedition was this year set on foot, to explore a north-west passage, not on the plan of former voyages, but through the Pacific ocean into the North sea: in this subject the king took a warm interest; and though, from feelings of delicacy toward the veteran captain Cook, who was considered as resting from his labors, he would not let the admiralty ask him to take the command, yet he graciously accepted the services of that great navigator when voluntarily offered: his majesty gave orders, not only that every comfort should be supplied to the voyagers themselves, but that all sorts of useful cattle, poultry, plants, seeds, and utensils should be provided for the benefit of the various lands already found, and such as might be now discovered or revisited. The issue of this expedition is well known: the unfortunate captain Cook fell a sacrifice to the fury of the Sandwich Islanders, in executing what he thought duty and policy required. The king did not neglect to alleviate the sorrows of his widow, while he took the promotion of his sons under his especial care. СНАР. XVIII. 1777. CHAPTER XVIII. GEORGE III. (CONTINUED.)-1777. Meeting of parliament-Letters of marque granted-Lord North's bill for detaining in prison persons charged with high treason— Debates on it-Carried, with certain amendments-Warm debates on the accounts of last year-Additional demands of the landgrave of Hesse-Augmentation of the revenue of the civil list-Debates on it-Protest, &c. in the house of lords-Speech of sir Fletcher Norton to the king-Thanks of the house to him -Subsequent discussion thereon-Lord Chatham's motion for an address to the king-Rejected-Supplies for 1777-King's reply to the speaker when he presented the bills for royal assent -Lord North's exertion of patronage-Memorial presented to the States General-Views of the house of Bourbon not generally suspected-Trial, &c. of Dr. Dodd-Affairs of the East IndiesMr. Hastings's administration in Bengal-Embarks for England -Affairs at the presidencies of Bombay and Madras-Extraordinary conduct of the latter in the case of lord Pigot-Parliamentary proceedings on it -Trial of the conspirators before lord Mansfield. granted On the meeting of parliament after its recess, a bill was Letters of brought into the house of commons, for enabling the marque admiralty to grant letters of marque to privateers against the against vessels belonging to the revolted colonies; and Americans. it went through both houses without opposition. On the same day also lord North introduced a bill for enabling his majesty to detain and secure persons charged with, or suspected of, the crime of high treason, committed in North America or on the high seas, or the crime of piracy.' By its enactments, every one so charged or suspected was liable to be committed to any place of confinement appointed by the king, under his sign manual, within any part of his dominions, without bail or mainprize, and there detained without trial XVIII. CHAP. during the continuance of the law. On its second reading, Mr. Dunning expressed much surprise, that a 1777. bill, which struck directly at the habeas corpus act, that pillar of British liberty, should be brought in said Mr. Fox, but that ministers, in the fulness of their malice, may take it into their heads that I have served on Long Island under general Washington? What would it avail me to plead an alibi, that I was never in America, or on any sea but that between Dover and Calais? All this may be true, says a minister, or a minister's understrapper; but you are for the present suspected, and that is sufficient: this is not the time for proof; this bill cares not whether you are guilty or innocent: I know you are fond of Scotland, and I will send you under the sign manual to study the Erse language in the isle of Bute; and as soon as the operation of the bill is spent, you will be at liberty to return, or go whither you please: you may then call on your accusers to prove their charges against you of treason in America or on the high seas, or of piracy; but they will laugh in your face, and the act of parliament will serve as complete plea in bar.' Ministers, he went on to observe, were credulous in the extreme, because fearful; and they were fearful from a consciousness of their crimes. Mr. Thurlow ridiculed the absurd and preposterous idea that the bill was intentionally framed to reach disaffected persons within this realm; though, if it did operate to such an extent, he should hardly consider this as a fault. The commitment of the bill was carried by a ma |