7. The dangers of the commonwealth having subsided at the close of his second administration, he felt himself justified, after dedicating forty-five years of his valuable life to her service, in withdrawing, to receive, with resignation, the great change of nature, which his age and his toils demonstrated to be near When he declined your future suffrages, he left you a legacy. What! like Cæsar's to the Romans, money for your sports? Like Attalus's, a kingdom for your tyranny? No; he left you not such bubbles, nor for such purposes. He left you the records of wisdom for your government; a mirror for the faithful representation to your own view, of yourselves, your weaknesses, your advantages, your dangers; a magnet which points at the secret mines and windings of party spirit, faction, and foreign influence; a pillar to the unity of your republic; a band to enclose, conciliate and strengthen the whole of your wonderful and almost boundless communities. Read, preserve the sacred deposit; and lest posterity should forget the truth of its maxims, engrave them on his tomb, that they may read them when they weep before it.

Death of General Hamilton.

When the bright guardians of a country die,
The grateful tear in tenderness will start;
And the keen anguish of a reddening eye,
Disclose the deep afflictions of the heart!'

1. To swell the sable triumphs of the tomb, the great destroyer, in pointing his shaft at Hamilton, has selected a victim of no ordinary value. He has not only taken from the bosom of a beloved family its solace and support; from the circle of his immediate friends its pride and ornament; from the forum its most distinguished advocate; from society an eminent and useful citizen; but, from his country, he has taken its ablest statesman, its warmest patriot, its great benefactor. With talents of a superiour order, the choicest in nature's gift, improved by an elegant and refined education, strengthened by intense and labourious application, directed to usefulness by a steady love of justice, and an undeviating adherence to the cause of truth, as a soldier, a statesman, a public advocate, a warm friend and zealous guardian of the liberties of his country; the invaluable life of this distinguished citizen has been spent with increasing glory to himself, and incalculable usefulness to his country. As a member of the family of the illustrious Washington; as his companion in arms; as his counsellor and friend, he shared with him the dangers of the revolution, and reaped with him the glory of its accomplishment.

2. As a soldier, he united bravery with humanity, skill with activity. So eminently distinguished were his ruilitary talents, that he was designated, on a momentous occasion, by the great Washington himself, as the man of his choice, to take the active command of our armies. As a statesman, the astonishing powers of his mind had full scope for exertion; and he has left the most splendid testimony of their extent and usefulness. With talents profound and active, with genius acute and penetrating, with learning deep and extensive, he made unwearied researches in political science, and has left a rich legacy to his countrymen, a luminous view of the most correct principles in civil policy and goverment. He was the good man's friend and advocate, a terrour to the oppressor, and a foe to iniquity. In the private walks of life, through all its relative duties, Hamil ton was highly valued.

3. Yes, reader, this brilliant luminary in the literary world, this splendid orb of our political hemisphere, is set for ever! a star of the first magnitude in the political temple is extinguished! a pillar of superiour strength is fallen! Cut off in the full vigour of life, in the full possession of his faculties, and in the midst of all his usefulness, the great Hamilton now sleeps with his fathers! That intellectual fountain, from which flowed the richest streams of eloquence, is dried up; the fire of that genius, whose acuteness pierced the inmost recess of science, is quenched for ever; that eye, whose penetrating glance was the sure index of an acute and penetrating mind, is now closed for ever: that tongue, on whose eloquence listening senates hung with admiration, is now silent for ever; and dumb for ever is that voice which was the harbinger of wisdom, and the herald of instruction. The trophies of the grave are enriched with a gem of superiour worth; the world is rifled of an intellectual treasure of inestimable value.*

4. Though the grave now shrouds the mortal part of the immortal Hamilton, his memory and his fame are enshrined in the bosoms of his grateful countrymen, and will be ever cherished and protected, with the warmest emotions of love and admiration. This sacred deposit will be transmitted to posterity in the fulness of its glory and the purity of its excellence. A distinguished page in the annals of our country, will be adorned with the record of his character, with a faithful delineation of his talents, virtues, achievements, and greatness, and the admiration of posterity shall perpetuate his fame. There will the record of the sad catastrophe of his death draw forth the tear of pity from the eye of tenderness, and the sigh of re-

gret from the bosom of humanity. There will the moralist read, with warm approbation, the sentiments of a Hamilton, on the subject of the barbarous custom to which he fell a sacrifice; there will he see the abhorrence in which he held a practice sanctioned by the manners of the age in which he lived; and which, from a peculiar combination of circumstances, he conceived as to himself was unavoidable. There will the christian dwell, with exquisite delight, on the record of the bright example of this great man, who, in the fulness of belief, embraced the doctrines of christianity, partook of its ordinances, and died in the consoling hope of its promises.

Part of Mr. Pitt's Speech in the British Parliament. My Lords, January 20, 1775. 1. I RISE with astonishment to see these papers brought to your table at so late a period of this business; papers, to tell us what? Why, what all the world knew before; that the Americans, irritated by repeated injuries, and stripped of their inborn rights and dearest privileges, have resisted, and entered into associations for the preservation of their common liberties. Had the early situation of the people of Boston been attended to, things would not have come to this. But the infant complaints of Boston were literally treated, like the capricious squalls of a child, who, it was said, did not know whether it was aggrieved or not.

2. But full well I knew, at that time, that this child, if not redressed, would soon assume the courage and voice of a man. Full well I knew, that the sons of ancestors, born under the same free constitution, and once breathing the same liberal air as Englishmen, would resist upon the same principles, and on the same occasions. What has government done? They have sent an armed force, consisting of seventeen thousand men, to dragoon the Bostonians into what is called their duty; and, so far from once turning their eyes to the policy and destructive consequence of this scheme, are constantly sending out more troops. And we are told, in the language of menace, that, if seventeen thousand men will not do, fifty thousand shall.

3. It is true, my lords, with this force they may ravage the country; waste and destroy as they march; but, in the progress of fifteen hundred miles, can they occupy the places they have passed? Will not a country, which can produce three millions of people, wronged and insulted as they are, start up like hydras in every corner, and gather fresh strength from fresh opposition? Nay, what dependence can you have upon

the soldiery, the unhappy engines of your wrath? They are Englishmen, who must feel for the privileges of Englishmen. Do you think that these men can turn their arms against their brethren? Surely not. A victory must be to them a defeat; and carnage, a sacrifice.

4. But it is not merely three millions of people, the produce of America, we have to contend with, in this unnatural struggle; many more on their side, dispersed over the face of this wide empire. Every whig in this country, and in Ireland is with them. Who, then, let me demand, has given, and continues to give, this strange and unconstitutional advice? I do not mean to level at one man, or any particular set of men ; but thus much I will venture to declare, that, if his Majesty continues to hear such counsellors, he will not only be badly advised, but undone.

5. He may continue indeed to wear his crown; but it will not be worth his wearing. Robbed of so principal a jewel as America, it will lose its lustre, and no longer beam that effulgence which should irradiate the brow of majesty. In this alarming crisis, I come with this paper in my hand, to offer you the best of my experience and advice; which is, that an humble petition be presented to his Majesty, beseeching him, that, in order to open the way towards a happy settlement of the dangerous roubles in America, it may graciously please him, that immediate orders be given to general Gage, for remoying his Majesty's forces from the town of Boston.

6. And this, my lords, upon the most mature and deliberate grounds, is the best advice I can give you, at this juncture. Such conduct will convince America that you mean to try her cause in the spirit of freedom and inquiry, and not in letters of blood. There is no time to be lost. Every hour is big with danger. Perhaps, while I am now speaking, the decisive blow is struck, which may involve millions in the consequence. And, believe me, the very first drop of blood which is shed, will cause a wound which may never be healed.

Part of Hannibal's Speech to the Carthagenian Army.

1. ON what side soever I turn my eyes, I behold all full of courage and strength. A veteran infantry; a most gallant cavalry; you, my allies, most faithful and valiant: you, Carthagenians, whom not only your country's cause, but the justest anger, impels to battle. The hope, the courage of assailants, is always greater than that of those who act upon the defensive.. With hostile banners displayed, you are come down upon Italy

You bring the war. Grief, injuries, indignities, fire your minds, and spur you forward to revenge. First, they demanded me," that I, your general, should be delivered up to them; next, all of you who had fought at the seige of Saguntum; and we were to be put to death by excruciating tortures.

2. Proud and cruel nation! Every thing must be yours, and at your disposal! You are to prescribe to us with whom we are to make war, with whom to make peace! You are to set us bounds; to shut us up between hills and rivers; but you are not to observe the limits which yourselves have fixed! • Pass not the Iberus.' What next? Touch not the Saguntines; Saguntum is upon the Iberus; move not a step towards that city. Is it a small matter, then, that you have deprived us of our ancient possessions, Sicily and Sardinia? You would have Spain too! Well, we shall yield Spain, and then-you will pass into Africa. Will pass, did I say y? This very year, they ordered one of their consuls into Africa, the other into Spain.

3. No, soldiers, there is nothing left for us but what we can vindicate with our swords. Come on, then. Be men. The Romans may, with more safety, be cowards. They have their own country behind them; have places of refuge to flee to; and are secure from danger in the roads thither. But for you, there is no middle fortune between death and victory. Let this be but well fixed in your minds; and once again, I say, you are conquerors.

Brutus' Speech on the Death of Caesar.

Romans, Countrymen, and Lovers,

1. HEAR me, for my cause; and be silent that you may hear. Believe me, for mine honour; and have respect for mine honour, that you may believe. Censure me in your wisdom; and awake your senses, that you may the better judge. If there be any in this assembly, any dear friend of Cæsar, to him I say, that Brutus love to Cæsar was no less than his. If, then, that friend demand, why Brutus rose against Cæsar, this is my answer: not that I loved Cæsar less, but that I loved Rome more. Had you rather Cæsar were living, and die all slaves, than that Cæsar were dead, to live all freemen? Cæsar loved me, I weep for him; as he was fortunate, I rejoice at it; as he was valiant, I honour him; but as he was ambitious, I slew him. There are tears for his love, joy for his fortune, honour for his valour, and death for his ambition. Who's here so base that he would be a bondsman? If any, speak, for him have I offended. Who's here so rude, that he

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