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innumerable and weighty obstacles were thrown in his way, by the art and industry of those who had an interest in prejudicing the public mind against the force of his representations. For this purpose the newspapers were constantly supplied with paragraphs, under the form of Intelligence from Pennsyl vania, but in reality manufactured in London, and conveying gross reflections upon the as

-That the bill itself is only a supplement to an act, which, after a full hearing before the lords of trade, has very lately received the royal assent; and we confined ourselves to that act, with as few alterations as possible, apprehending the bill would be free from all objections under the royal sanction so lately obtained-That by the estimate the governor laid before us this session, he computes the sum of one hundred and twenty-seven thou-sembly and the inhabitants of the province, sand pounds as necessary to be raised for the defence of the province in the ensuing year; and yet upon the most exact computation we have been able to make, no more than thirty thousand pounds could be raised upon the province in one year by his restricted powers, and not one third of his proposed estimate, by the addition of all the other measures he has proposed, if the house were so insensible of the duty they owe to their constituents as to take their money laws from him only:-That therefore we desire to know his final result upon this bill, which we once more send up for his concurrence; and if he should, notwithstanding, continue to refuse his assent to it as it now stands, we must refer it to his honour to pay the forces by him raised, or to disband them, as he shall judge he can best answer for his conduct to his majesty, whose colony we apprehend to be in imminent danger, and for the defence whereof we have in vain endeavoured to make the necessary provision as far as lay in our power."

Great events it has been frequently observed spring from little causes, and though the contest between the governor and the assembly of Pennsylvania was far from being in itself of trivial import, considering the variety of interests which it involved, yet as being a local and private concern, no extensive consequences could reasonably have been expected to flow from it. To the philosophical historian, however, who watches the influence of casual occurrences upon the actions and opinions of eminent men, it will appear more than probable, that this struggle for an equalization of rights in one province, led the way, or at least incidentally prepared the people of America for a more general resistance to arbitrary impositions. The refusal of the proprietaries to take their part of the public burdens, while they enjoyed all the increasing advantages resulting from the security thereby afforded, brought questions under discussion which might otherwise have lain dormant. Certain it is that these disputes, by calling the energetic mind of Benjamin Franklin into a new field of inquiry, and clothing him with the diplomatic character, enlarged the sphere of his observation, and fitted him for those extraordinary services in which he acquired the greatest glory by contributing to that of his country.

On his arrival in England he found, that

who were described as actuated by selfish motives and a refractory spirit, because they persisted in withstanding the claim of the proprietaries to an exemption from that taxation which was necessary to the defence of their own estates. To increase the mortification of the provincial agent, he saw that the people were so little acquainted with the internal condition of the colonies, as almost to regard with indifference any complaint of grievances which issued thence. Besides this, the public attention being fixed upon the progress of the war in Germany, rendered it a still more arduous task to remove the impressions produced by interested individuals, against the equitable claims of the inhabitants of a settlement in another part of the world. If to these formidable impediments be added the natural reluctance of government to interpose in local disputes, arising from the ambiguity, or even the abuse of royal grants, it will be seen that the representative of the Pennsylvania assembly had more to dishearten than to encourage him in the mission which had been entrusted to his zeal and management. Considering the complexion of European politics at that period, and the superior influence of those with whom he had to negotiate or contend, his situation was of description that would have depressed men of vigorous intellect and of the most enlarged experience in the intrigues of public business. But it was well perhaps for the immediate benefit of the particular province to which he stood related, and also for the future advantage of the American states, that these difficulties occurred, as they not only brought into exercise the powers of him who was fitted to overcome them, but laid the foundation of connexions and improvements that in all probability would not otherwise have taken place.

One of the first objects attended to by Dr. Franklin, was the current of public opinion on the concern in which he was peculiarly interested, and to observe the means adopted to give that opinion a bias unfavourable to the cause which he had to support. Finding that the press was employed for this purpose, he resolved to avail himself of the same source of information, and fully aware of his own strength, no less than of the justice of what he defended, he entertained the confident assurance of being able to refute calumny by facts, and to correct the errors arising from

reasoning.

misrepresentation by simple and conclusive | invidiously mentioned in the pretended news, it was shown that they were occasioned chiefly by new instructions or commands sent from England, forbidding the governors to sanction any laws imposing taxes for the defence of the country, unless the proprietary estate, or much the greatest part of it, was exempted from the burden. With respect to the Quakers, who had been represented as the instigators of the contention, the author of the letter satisfactorily proved, by the adduction of facts, that they constituted but a small part of the existing population of the province, and were no more active in the disputes than the rest of the inhabitants, who, with the exception of the proprietary officers and their dependants, had joined in opposing the instructions and contending for their rights. In farther vindication of the Quakers it was observed, that notwithstanding their scruple about bearing arms, they had contributed largely for the defence of the country; and that, to prevent any obstruction in the assembly from their peculiar opinions, they had for the most part declined sitting in the assembly. Having thus cleared unfounded objections, and illiberal aspersions, the letter proceeded to a statistical account of the province, and of the spirit of the people, from which the British public might see that every thing had been done there to secure the frontier and to protect the trade of the neighbouring governments, without any contributions, either from those colonies or the mother country.

An opportunity soon offered to bring the subject fairly before the public, in consequence of the insertion of an article in a paper called the "Citizen, or General Advertiser," stating that recent letters from Philadelphia brought dreadful accounts of the ravages committed by the Indians on the inhabitants of the back provinces; and that notwithstanding these cruelties the disputes between the governor and the assembly were carried on to as great a height as ever, the messages on both sides being expressed in terms which gave very little hopes of a reconciliation. The Intelligence then went into particulars, by saying the bill to raise money was clogged, so as to prevent the governor from giving his consent to it; and that the obstinacy of the Quakers in the assembly was such, that they would in no shape alter it; so that while the enemy was in the heart of the country, cavils prevented any thing being done for its relief. The evident object of this paragraph was to create general indignation against the assembly, by making it appear that the members of it were of so factious a disposition as to sacrifice the welfare of their country for the gratification of private ends, and so dead to all the finer feelings of humanity as to abandon their helpless fellow-creatures to savage ferocity, rather than lay aside their particular differences. It did not require the sagacity of Benjamin Franklin to discover that this fabrication originated in a spirit of alarm occasioned by the circumstance that an accredited agent on the part of the province was in London; but reflecting that, as such, it did not become him on the one hand to enter upon the public discussion of the concern which he was employed to bring to an amicable conclusion, nor on the other to preserve an absolute silence, which might prove detrimental to the interests of those whom he represented; he therefore judiciously caused a reply, bearing the name of his son, to be inserted in the same journal; from which he had the satisfaction of seeing it transplanted into other papers of greater importance and more extensive circulation. In this letter, dated from the Pennsylvania coffee house, London, September 16, 1757, the author repels the insinuation thrown out against one province, as if it quiescently suffered more from the Indians than any other, by showing that the contrary was the fact, and that the rest of the colonies were as much exposed to savage depredation as Pennsylvania. In the next place he observes, that the inhabitants on the frontiers of that province were not Quakers, and that so far from entertaining the passive principles of this sect, they were supplied with arms, and had frequently repelled the enemy. On the subject of the disputes so

This paper was well adapted to draw the attention of thinking men to the real state of Pennsylvania, and the nature of the grievances complained of by the great body of its inhabitants, whose misfortune it was to have their cause little understood, where only they had to look for a remedy. To remove this obstacle more effectually, and to bring the subject so fully before the public as to render all the arts of misrepresentation no longer availing to the selfish' purposes of an interest'ed party, Mr. Franklin, while engaged in negotiation with the proprietaries, employed his leisure hours in drawing up a minute account of the province for general information. The necessity of such a publication was obvious from the insidious attempts made, through various journals, to blacken the inhabitants of Pennsylvania with the foul charges of ingratitude to the founder of that colony, injustice to its present proprietors, and even disaffection to the parent country. Mr. Franklin saw with concern that this delusion prevailed to such a degree as to give him little chance of success in the object of his mission, until he could dispel the cloud of prejudice that craft had raised, and convince the British nation of the wrong which it countenanced, through ignorance and credulity. But knowing that

The dedication to Arthur Onslow, the venerable speaker of the house of commons, would alone be sufficient to ascertain the hand whence the review proceeded; for, independent of its epigrammatic turns and general terseness, it breathes the language of a person acting by the authority of the provincialists, whose cause he so powerfully pleaded.

That introduction, and a sprightly dedication, will be found in pages vii. viii, of Vol. II. This review abounds with origi nal and vigorous ideas. "Power like water is ever working its way; and whereever it can find or make an opening, is-altogether as prone to overflow whatever is subject to it; and though matter of right overlooked may be reclaimed and restored at any time, it cannot be too soon reclaimed and restored."

it is in the nature of discussion to elicit truth, | racter of the book is too strongly marked to and of perseverance to defeat falsehood, he mislead any one that is at all conversant with resolved to publish a volume that should at- the style of Franklin; but when it originally tract notice by the manner of its composition, appeared, his reputation as a writer was not and produce effect by the importance of the sufficiently established to render the discovery matter which it contained. With this view easy by the simple test of literary composihe began to trace the history of the province tion. Such, however, were its attractions in from its primary settlement, and to exhibit this respect, that notwithstanding the peculiar the various changes which it had progressive- aridity of the subject, the work gained public ly undergone in the form of its government. notice, and was distinguished by the approbaHaving sketched his design, he found that it tion of those who were most competent to grew upon his hands, as it not only obliged decide upon its merits. him to enter minutely into the detail of facts and the adduction of records, but to illustrate them by explanations and to apply them by reflections. This performance appeared at the beginning of 1759, with the title of " An Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of Pennsylvania from its origin; so far as regards the several points of controversy which have from time to time arisen between the several governors of Pennsylvania and their several assemblies. Founded on authentic documents." To which was prefixed this motto: "Those who give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety." This work was necessarily anonymous; and the strictest circumspection appears to have been observed in regard to the author, who being at that time employed in negotiating with the proprietaries, as well as in bringing the business before the privy council, could not well publish any statement of the matters under discussion in his own name. The "REVIEW," therefore, long passed as the production of James Ralph, the historian, who having long resided in Philadelphia, and being generally known as a political writer, was the more easily believed to have taken this deep interest in the concerns of a province with which he was well acquainted. There is little doubt indeed that this ascription of the book to Ralph, was a matter perfectly agreeable to the real author, if not actually concerted by him, for the pur- The publication, though anonymous, un pose of diverting the attention of those per-doubtedly produced a considerable effect; and sons who, from interested motives and resent- by bringing the grievances of the colonists ment, might have been disposed to represent closely under the consideration of the British his appeal to the public as an injury to in- public, tended materially to facilitate the ob dividuals, and an insult offered to government. ject of the author, and even to enlarge his Mr. Franklin was aware, that his mission ex- views with regard to the inconvenience of the cited jealousy, and that his conduct would proprietary government. Finding that the therefore be closely watched, in order to take family of the founder would not relax in their the advantage of any inadvertencies which he demands, and that the publication of this exmight commit. While, therefore, he saw the plicit statement had exasperated them in no expediency of setting the nation right on the ordinary degree, the agent for the province subject in dispute, in order to justify the brought the cause of his clients in the shape colonists on the one hand, and to reduce the of a petition before the privy council. Such extravagant claims of those who lorded it over indeed was his activity, and so confident were them on the other; he was careful to do this the provincialists of the success of their cause in such a manner as should not give offence in his hands, that during his residence in to any party. At present the internal cha- England, the assembly passed a law for the This historical review is in Vol. II. of this edition. imposition of a tax, in which no exemption

A writer who was a contemporary, speaking of this " Review," says, "Pennsylvania had in our author a most zealous and able advocate. His sentiments are manly, liberal, and spirited. His style close, nervous, and rhetorical. By a forcible display of the oppression of his clients, he inclines the reader to pity their condition, and by an enumeration of their virtues he endeavours to remove the idea, which may be entertained of their unimportance; and that, abstracted from their consideration in a political light, they claim our regard by reason of their own personal merits."

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Here the biographer, in his zeal to defend the founder of Pennsylvania, has committed the very fault which he has endeavoured to fasten as an error upon Franklin; for it certainly is not true that the latter wrote his book to effect a change in the government, which design there is every reason to believe had not been even conceived at the time, however it may have been long after. The work was drawn up for no other purpose than to exhibit the state of the province, and to make the nation clearly acquainted with the progressive grievances of which the inhabitants complained. Undoubtedly these grievances were, in a great measure, traced by the author to the manner in which William Penn had secured his property originally, and provided for an increase of it in the event of the prosperous advance of the colony.

was made in favour of the proprietary estates. | Review, published by Franklin, and the spirit This bill received the assent of governor in which it was composed. Mr. Clarkson Denny, which plainly evinced, that the go- observes, that this book was the production vernor felt not only the reasonableness of the of Franklin, "though it was attributed to one measure itself, but the certainty that his em- Ralph, to prejudice the people against the ployers must soon yield to the persevering proprietary family, in order to effect a change efforts of their opponents. The proprietaries, of government from proprietary to royal; on receiving the intelligence of this advance which was afterwards attempted, but which, in the cause of independence, exerted them to his great chagrin, failed. This failure laid selves to prevent the royal sanction from be- the foundation of his animosity to Great Briing given to the money-bill, which their own tain, which was so conspicuous afterwards."* governor had passed, but which they represented as subversive of their chartered rights, and tending to ruin themselves and their posterity, by bringing upon them all the expenses necessary for the defence and support of the province. The cause, however, proceeded before the lords of the council, and though the Penn family did not want powerful support, and very able advocates, such was the force of simple truth and the evidence of plain facts, that the agent of the colony soon perceived the advantage which had been gained by his prudent management and seasonable publication. After some delay and much tedious discussion, a proposal of accommodation was made on the part of the proprietaries, that Mr. Franklin should engage for his employers not to assess the estates in question beyond their due proportion. To this proposition no objection could be offered; for it, in fact, conceded the very ground of litigation, and established, by consent of the contending parties, and under the authority of government, all the rights to which the inhabitants of Pennsylvania laid claim, and of which they had been so long deprived. This termination of the controversy, brought the abilities of Franklin into full exercise, and the engagement into which he entered was so scrupulously fulfilled, as to raise him in the estimation of those persons who had for a considerable time looked upon him with jealousy, and considered him as inimical to their interests. The conspicuous light in which this business placed his talents and integrity, sufficiently appeared, indeed, by the circumstance, that when the conclusion of the dispute became known in America, the colonies of Massachusetts, Maryland, and Georgia, were anxious to have him for their agent in England; which appointment suiting his views and connexions was readily accepted, and as honourably discharged.

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The historian of Pennsylvania could not avoid noticing the double part which this celebrated legislator had played, as proprie tary and governor; for the people of his own persuasion, who had embarked with him in this concern, had heavily and repeatedly complained of his conduct towards them, and their charges against him upon record, are infinitely more severe than the slight touches of sarcastic reflection scattered here and there in the REVIEW. Nor is it true, that the disappointment experienced in the failure of the projected alteration in the government from proprietary to royal, laid the foundation of any animosity in the mind of Franklin against Great Britain; for it is a well-known fact, that the differences between the parent country and the colonies, were the source of great uneasiness to him; and he endeavoured all that lay in his power to prevent the rupture which ensued. This will clearly appear in the sequel of these memoirs.

Mr. Clarkson very properly enters into a justification of Penn's moral character, and he has succeeded in a great degree in clearing up many doubtful points, which tended, on the authority of respectable writers, to bring the principles of that eminent man into suspicion; but the same love of justice ought to have prevented the biographer and panegyrist of Penn, from throwing illiberal reflections, and alleging unfounded accusations, Memoirs of the private and public life of William By Thomas Clarkson, M. A. Vol. II. p. 386.

His conduct, however, in the Pennsylvanian differences, though so unequivocally marked by the public approbation of those who were the most competent to judge of its merits, has not passed without censure; and the late biographer of William Penn, finding it necessary to vindicate that extraordinary character from the various charges and surmises brought against him by various writers, among the rest took notice of the Historical | Penn. VOL. I....K 7

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against one who was not at least inferior to this troublesome but important concern, at him in ability and integrity. Nevertheless. the court of Great Britain, he had opportuniMr. Clarkson is willing to obtain the testi- ties of becoming acquainted with many permony of Franklin in favour of the object of sons of the first consequence in the state, who, his admiration; though it is to be regretted, on their side were not wanting in observing that he could not even do this, without mixing his extraordinary sagacity and comprehensive with his quotation something disrespectful of understanding. The war in which Great the very authority which he cited. Nay," Britain was then involved, could not fail to says he, "if I mistake not, Dr. Franklin him- excite much of his attention, and he was not self was among those who highly respected alone in the opinion, that by pursuing the Penn." contest solely in Germany, England incurred an enormous expenditure, without either reaping any immediate advantage, or facilitating an honourable termination.. There was something, indeed, peculiarly splendid in the achievements of the king of Prussia; and the nation, without knowing why, seemed to identify the cause of that monarch with the security of the Protestant religion, and the maintenance of the balance of power, the favourite delusions of that period. The judgment of Franklin was unbiassed by prejudices which had no foundation in reason, and too cool to be warmed by the report of victories, the result of which appeared to be little more than an occasion for renewed exertions and more sanguinary conflicts, without any definite object or satisfactory prospect. He contemplated the interests of Britain in a more dispassionate point of view, than those who made them dependant upon the success of subsidized allies; and knowing by experience, how desirous France. was to gain a more ex

The doctor had a satirical way of expressing himself when he was not pleased, and therefore when he found fault with William Penn, he could not get rid of his old habit; but the hostility he manifested, was far more in manner than in heart. He was assuredly more severe upon William Penn's grandsons, against whom (it is said) he published a small pamphlet, where, as if no other way had been left to expose them, it is singular that he contrasted their conduct with the virtuous example of their noble ancestor. The little ludicrous motto, prefixed to this work, and which was taken from John Rogers's primer, may enable the reader to judge, in part, of its contents:

I send you here a little book,
For you to look upon:

That you may see your father's face,
Now he is dead and gone."

The ingenious eulogist of Penn, however, does not seem to have been aware, that intended footing in America, he thought it attempting to invalidate the testimony of Franklin, he had before completely destroyed the value of his praise. In the general view of the character of Penn, no doubt the latter concurred fully with the voice of the public;* but knowing, as he did, the minuter parts of the history of his connexions with the province which bears his name, it was impossible either to pass them over in absolute silence, or to speak of them without some observation on the want of consistency in so great a man.

Thus much it was proper here to remark, because if a necessity existed for the justification of Penn, from any reflections bestowed upon him by the historian of his settlement, it must be equally necessary to show that these reflections did not proceed from the wantonness of a satirical humour, or the malignity of wit, but from an attentive examination of the subject, and the paramount love of truth, in a concern which demanded an investigation in detail, and a full exposition for the ends of justice.

While Benjamin Franklin was engaged in

* In a letter to Mr. David Barclay, dated Passy. Ja nuary 8, 1783, Dr. Franklin thus expresses himself:"Your friends on both sides the Atlantic, may be as sured of whatever justice or favour I may be able to procure for them. My veneration for William Penn is

not less than yours; and I bave always had great esteem for the body of your people."

would be the wisest way to counteract her ambitious projects, by an attack upon her own colony. Franklin was no stranger to Canada, and he was thoroughly persuaded that the possession of that country gave to the French a commanding influence over the Indians, of which they never failed to take an advantage, to the annoyance of the English colonies. Looking upon France in relation to England as another Carthage, he formed the project of destroying her maritime ascendancy; as well to strengthen the political and commercial state of Great Britain, as to provide a permanent security for her foreign dependencies. The more he weighed the subject in his mind, the more was he satisfied that the true interest of Great Britain lay in weakening her rival on the side of America, rather than in Germany; and these sentiments he imparted to some of his friends, by whom they were reported to the indefatigable William Pitt, afterwards earl of Chatham; who no sooner consulted him on the practicability of the conquest, than he was convinced by the force of his arguments, and determined by the simple accuracy of his statements. The enterprise was immediately undertaken, the command given to general Wolfe, and conducted with such celerity, as completely to deceive France, who had no apprehensions

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