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EGYPT'S PROPER FRONTIER.

A LONG and lingering disease aggravated by the complications resulting from unskilful treatment must assume either a chronic character or will terminate in some acute development. The ignorant practitioner, startled at the unexpected crisis, seeks safety in a 'consultation,' which too frequently is a prelude to the death of an exhausted patient. Egypt has represented the sick man' under the baleful care of a British physician, who is now about to summon the assistance of professional advisers at a consultation, or conference. The European doctors will naturally inquire into the nature of the malady, and the treatment that has been pursued, before they can form a diagnosis; they will of course disagree respecting the past, present, and future course, and they will eventually quarrel among themselves. In the meantime the exhausted patient will be sinking.

Common sense (unprofessional) would suggest that, before all active interference, it is necessary to study the physical constitution of the sick man, and to prescribe accordingly such drugs and nourishment as shall be easily assimilated, and be compatible with his weak condition. A multitude of doctors would be fatal to the reputation of the original medical attendant, and would be dangerous to the patient.

There can be little doubt that Egypt is the victim of quack remedies and bungling charlatanism. Regardless of the difference between Egyptians and ourselves, we have attempted to thrust down their throats the blessings of a British administration; we have stuffed into the mouth of an Arab baby the tough beefsteak of an English ploughman, and we wonder that the infant chokes! The first great error committed by the British Government was the assumption of supreme authority after Tel-el-Kebir, unless we were prepared to accept entire responsibility. We found Egypt at that period as helpless as a baby in arms; we took it as a child of our own, and the Khedive represented our adoption; we declared that we should - protect him, re-establish his authority, re-organise his military forces, reform the abuses of his country, introduce a liberal form of govern

ment, insure the liberty of the people by a representative assembly, and, in fact, that we should quickly exhibit the invigorating effect of Liberal institutions grafted from the British oak upon the Egyptian date-palm. Such a graft was a botanical impossibility. Such a policy was an absurd attempt at Quixotic endeavour to change the skin of the Ethiopian-to harness the horse and the camel in the same chariot. Nevertheless, the world was assured that the mighty magician who directed the destinies of Ireland and Great Britain, whose touch was certain of success, would, in the case of Egypt, equally succeed; our child the Khedive would be nursed until, invigorated by our protection, and instructed in British policy, he would be able to rule his loving subjects, who, grateful to England as their protector and liberator from long years of thraldom, would regard their ruler as the offspring of England's intervention. The British forces would then retire from Egypt-the dust watered by the tears of a grateful population; the Khedive, strengthened by British tutorship, and hallowed by our influence, would be venerated by all those various races of Mahommedans beneath his rule who only waited for the retirement of British bayonets to display their loyalty. But, although we had adopted the Khedive as our own child rescued from the torrent of rebellion, as the infant Moses had been snatched from the waters of the Nile, we qualified and chilled our patronage by an ostentatious repudiation of all responsibility. We compelled him to administer the affairs of Egypt according to our dictation, leaving him no choice, and destroying all liberty of action, at the same time that we attempted to Anglicise all Egyptian institutions, which would evoke the hatred of the governing classes against their passive ruler who had submitted to our usurpation.

Instead of gaining the confidence of the Khedive and Egyptian people, we insured the loss of confidence by declaring our intention of evacuation, at the same time that we exhibited the maximum degree of despotism in our uninvited administration, accompanied by the selfish cry of no responsibility.' Every Egyptian, from the Khedive downwards, knew that if we disclaimed responsibility we had no right to our position in Egypt; we had subverted all native rule, destroyed the authority of the Khedive, and by that destruction of his power we had brought him into contempt throughout the whole of his dominions, thus rendering it impossible for him to govern should we evacuate the country; at the same time we shirked the onus of our responsibility.' We can hardly blame the Egyptians for a disbelief in our sincerity. If we had honestly intended to restore the authority of the Khedive, we should have lost no opportunity in strengthening his position and insuring his respect; but, as we studiously abstracted every vestige of power, and fettered every attempt at action, our Ministerial declarations of disinterested friendship have been regarded by European Powers, and by Egyptians, with

equal suspicion, as diplomatic utterances that cloak an undeveloped policy. It is needless to recapitulate the long series of events which have led to the present disastrous condition of Egyptian affairs: neither do I wish to attack a Government which is already assailed by a defection of their own supporters; but there can be no contradiction to the humiliating fact that our interference in Egypt has resulted in a miserable failure, and that the reputation of Great Britain has suffered in exact proportion to our vacillating policy and absence of determination.

Events of the gravest importance have occurred in such rapid succession that the public mind is apt to overlook the links in the chain of sequences, and to lose sight of the great starting-point which determined the course of the Soudan insurrection, and directed its extension towards Lower Egypt. In the early portion of 1883 the provinces of Darfur and Kordofan were in successful rebellion under the leadership of the Mahdi; several large detachments of Government troops had been cut to pieces, the capital Obeïd was invested, and various garrisons were surrounded by overwhelming forces. It will be remembered that Darfur and Kordofan are west of the White Nile, and completely separated from other portions of Central Soudan.

The revolt was not confined to those provinces; but the emissaries of the Mahdi had stirred up the malcontents of Senaar upon the borders of the Blue Nile, comprising the large area between that river and the White Nile, to their confluence at Khartoum. A ford at a shallow portion of the White Nile, about a hundred miles south of Khartoum, enabled the rebels to cross the river during the low period of its waters, and thereby to keep up a communication between the Senaar province and Kordofan. At that time an excellent officer, Abd-el-Kader Pasha, was appointed Governor-General of the Soudan, and he immediately commenced active operations against the rebels in Senaar.

There can be little doubt that the Soudan insurrection, although due to certain causes, would never have attained its vast proportions had England from the commencement of her intervention declared her determination to enforce obedience to the Khedive's rule. If Arabi and his fellows had been shot after trial by court-martial when the Khedive was restored to authority by the battle of Tel-el-Kebir, the example would have exhibited a measurable effect throughout the Soudan; but Arabi was in the eyes of all Egyptians pardoned, as his punishment was commuted to banishment in Ceylon, a country known to them as an earthly Paradise, where fruits and flowers, undying vegetation, with coffee and beautiful houris, were the indigenous productions. In this lovely exile, Arabi the rebel received a liberal allowance of money, in addition to a residence, from the authority against which he had openly rebelled. Such a reward for insurrection could

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