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hookworm and penetrating to the most remote parts of the tropics it has propagated the truth concerning popular hygiene everywhere. It has endeavored to teach cleanliness to the Indians, that they should understand the healthfulness of bathing, the necessity of privies, and of eating only healthful foods. The Institute has gone from farm to farm, from house to house, while its officers in the cities and more important towns have not rested a single minute in the work of examining the sick, distributing medicines and interesting a vast circle of people in its work. The results obtained could not be more satisfactory, as can be seen by the statistical tables published by the Foundation.

"Although less in evidence, but not for this reason less important, especially for our mental and moral progress, has been the work of evangelical missions. By means of ministers splendidly educated and really moral, American Protestantism, giving itself to the humanitarian endeavor of liberating our masses from their ignorance, has carried forward the splendid good news of a pure and human-hearted religion to a large part of our people.

"Thanks to heroic patience Protestant missions have attained notable triumphs. To-day seed sown is beginning to bear fruit. In many humble people a real religious sentiment, reflective and tolerant, is beginning to be substituted for the absurdities of fanaticism and the intolerance of the past. The Sunday preachings of the evangelical pastors have been, at the same time, happy means of propagating ideas against crime and vice.

"Latin America knows how to appreciate all that has come from these humanitarian institutions."

Summing up, my first hand observations in the Caribbean countries have led me to the following conclusions:

1. The economic and political life of these countries is held in the hollow of the hand of the United States. Whether or not either party likes it, modern relationships of life make it inevitable. Something very similar to a colonial

problem is therefore presented.

2. The lack of recognition of this close relationship and the lack of a colonial experience and the employment of an

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opportunist policy have led us into mistakes that made intervention, even when justified, much more resented than was necessary.

3. Failure to announce openly a definite policy and leaving matters largely to the military has led to a policy of suppression rather than of constructive helpfulness.

4. Intervention, being principally to conserve order, protect American investors and ward off European interference, the reactionary parties in the various countries are too often sustained, liberal elements are shut off from any means of effectual protest against flagrant abuses of such authorities, and the help of the interventors is too often confined to material matters, with little consideration given to educational development.

I would respectfully suggest that steps along the following lines would help in solving this important problem of developing and maintaining friendly relations with the Caribbean countries:

1. Withdrawal of United States marines from countries where they are now stationed.

2. Elimination of press censorship in countries where it is now maintained and the encouraging of free discussion both in the United States and the other countries concerned, so that the people may publicly determine and frankly avow the policies of relationships.

3. A strong department, with recognized responsibility, in the United States Government to study conditions and advise the Executive and Legislative powers concerning relations between this country and smaller nations which have become specially dependent upon us. This department could well have an advisory committee made up of some outstanding private citizens who are in a position to aid in such work. Immediate economic, educational and social surveys should be made to determine the exact situation and needs of the various countries.

4. The signing of treaties between the United States and certain Caribbean countries, based on clear consent of the people, which will recognize the sovereignty of the smaller nation and explicitly define what the stronger nation may and may not do toward giving needed help in stabilizing

government, insuring fair elections, strengthening finances, improving sanitation and public works and developing edu

cation.

5. Special care should be exercised by the United States government in the selection of broad-minded, sympathetic officials, trained especially for the type of work they are sent to accomplish in these countries.

6. Special efforts by educational, social, philanthropic and religious foundations and organizations in the United States to extend the work to these countries, carefully adapting it to local psychology and avoiding a patronizing or "Americanizing" attitude.

7. Cultivation on the part of the North Americans of an appreciation of the history, literature, social life and problems of these southern neighbors.

References

ARGUELLO, LEONARDO: El Caso Nicaragua.

Blakeslee, GeEO. H. (Editor): Mexico and the Caribbean.
BONSAL, STEPHEN: The American Mediterranean.

Important discussions on this subject will be found in the issues
of 1920 and 1921 of the following magazines: The Nation,
Current History, Hispanic American Historical Review and
La Reforma Social.

INMAN, SAMUEL G.: Through Santo Domingo and Haiti.
JONES, C. L.: Caribbean Interests of the United States.
LATANÉ: The United States and Latin America, Chapters III,
IV, VII.

MONROE, DANA G.: Five Republics of Central America.

OREANUMO, J. RAFAEL: La Caída del Gobierno Constitucional en Costa Rica.

SHOENS, GEO. T.: Report on Public School System of Nicaragua. Slade, WILLIAM F.: The Federation of Central America. SCHOENRICH, OTTO: Santo Domingo, A Country with a Future. UREÑA, HENRIQUEZ: Los Estados Unidos y La República Domini

cana.

VALENTINE, L. G.: Meddling with Our Neighbors, Century Magazine, 1914.

World Peace Foundation: The New Pan Americanism, III.

Chapter IX

PAN AMERICANISM VS. PAN LATINISM

North Americans are likely to conceive of all Hispanic Americans taking the same attitude toward every question and all belonging to the same school of thought. But men in those countries differ as widely and as violently as they do in other parts of the world. Political parties are most likely to be divided into Conservatives and Liberals or Clericals and Anti-Clericals. But when it comes to questions of international relations, education, literature and all cultural subjects, intellectual circles can generally be divided into Pan Latinists and Pan Americans. This means more than that one school believes in a cultural and possibly a political entente with the mother country and the other believes in. close relations with North America. It means that the members of one school have their whole philosophy of life permeated with the belief that national life will be strengthened to the degree that the glories of the Latin race, its language,. its classical literature, its educational theories, its social customs and its ancient standards of individual conduct are maintained. The other school is equally sure that the strength of national life lies in breaking away from old Latin traditions, striking out into new paths, adopting new educational standards, new social customs and new international alignments, the United States being admittedly the friend to be cultivated and the example to be followed. The longer one lives in Hispanic America the more impressed · he is with the fact that as between these two, the school of · thought to which a man belongs affects the way he regards practically all of life's problems.

In the early days of independent life the Pan American school was most in evidence. The admiration for the United States entertained by the young Hispanic American coun

tries was so great that, in spite of their unpreparedness for the North American form of government, they copied it almost entirely. The admiration of the great Bolívar as well as his political wisdom are seen in the following words among many others that might be cited:

"The example of the United States, because of its wonderful prosperity, was too prominent not to be emulated. Who can resist the victorious attraction of a full and absolute enjoyment of sovereignty, independence and liberty? Who can resist the love that inspires such intelligent government, that combines at one and the same time private rights with general rights, that makes the common will the supreme law of the individual will? Who can resist the rule of a beneficent government that with an able, active and powerful head ever and everywhere guides all its springs of action toward social perfection which is the sole end of human institutions?"

Sarmiento was another of the early admirers of the United States. In his introduction to his "Vida de Lincoln," he said:

"South America lacks antecedents of government in her own colonial history, for she must not go to ask light of Felipe II or Fernando VII upon the art of governing. Nothing better would be given us by France, whose publicists can only be pardoned, like the Magdalen, for their much loving. The political school for South America is in the United States, as the sharer of English liberties, as the creator of a government absolutely free and strong, which in peace has built up the most prosperous nation of the earth and in war has displayed resources, has gathered armies, invented weapons and obtained laurels that open a new page in the history of modern war, making the ancient wars seem small."

THE PAN LATIN SCHOOL

But the leaders among the literary men of the last quarter of a century have been mostly hostile to the United States.

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