misunderstanding; and I have been frequently cautioned to secure my papers, and by some advised to withdraw. But I venture to stay, in compliance with the wish of others, till the result of the Congress arrives, since they suppose my being here might on that occasion be of use; and I confide in my innocence, that the worst which can happen to me will be an imprisonment upon suspicion, though that is a thing I should much desire to avoid, as it may be expensive and vexatious, as well as dangerous to my health. With great respect and esteem, I am ever, dear Sir, B. FRANKLIN. &c. TO THOMAS CUSHING. Lord Chatham's Motion for conciliatory Measures. London, 28 January, 1775. SIR, It gives my mind some ease to learn, that such good care is taken both by the general and the town to prevent mischief. I hope that care will continue, and be effectual, and that people will be persuaded to wait with patience the event of the application of the Congress to the King, and the subsequent result of the ensuing Congress thereupon. Lord Chatham moved last week in the House of Lords, that an address be presented to his Majesty, humbly beseeching him to withdraw the troops from Boston, as a step towards opening the way to conciliatory measures; but, after a long and warm debate, the motion was rejected by a majority of seventyseven to eighteen; and open declarations were made, by the ministerial side, of the intention to enforce the late acts. To this end, three more regiments of foot and one of dragoons, seven hundred marines, six sloops of war, and two frigates, are now under orders for America. Petitions, however, are thronging into the House from all quarters, praying that healing measures may be taken to restore the commerce. The petition from the Congress was brought into each House among other papers by the ministers, without any particular recommendation from his Majesty, that they should be considered. General Gage's letters being read in the House of Commons, it appears from one of them, that it had been recommended to him by Lord Dartmouth to disarm some of the colonies; which he seems to approve, if it had been practicable, but says it is not, till he is master of the country. It is impossible to say what turn the Parliament may take before the session is over. All depends on the ministers, who possibly may change their minds, when they find the merchants and manufacturers universally dissatisfied with their present conduct; but you cannot rely upon this, and your chief dependence must be on your own virtue and unanimity, which, under God, will in time bring you through all difficulties. I am with great respect, Sir, &c, B. FRANKLIN.* The following paragraph is copied from the fragment of a manuscript, in the handwriting of Franklin, which appears to have been writen about this time, although the date is not given. * A hord spectacle to men and angels is now about to be exhibited on the stage of this globe. Two great and powerful nations are em,saying their forces in the destruction of civil liberty; that heavenly biessing, without which mankind lose half their dignity and value. One, in oppressing and enslaving a handful of men, the last assertors TO JAMES BOWDOIN. Conduct and Character of the Ministry.- Firmness and Union recommended to the Colonies. DEAR SIR, London, 25 February, 1775. I received your kind letter of September 6th by Mr. Quincy. I thought it might be of use to publish a part of it, which was done accordingly. But the measures it so justly censures are still persisted in, and will, I trust, continue to produce effects directly contrary to those intended. They will unite, instead of dividing us, strengthen and make us more resolute, instead of intimidating us, and work our honor and advantage, instead of the disgrace and ruin designed for us. A bill is now in hand to confine the trade of the four New England colonies to Britain and the West Indies only, and to prohibit their fishery. Other provinces have done as offensive things, but Whiggism is thought to be more thoroughly the principle in New England, and that is now an unpardonable sin. The rest, however, are to have their punishment in their turn, though perhaps less severe. That is, if this Tory of it within the bounds of the old Roman Commonwealth; the other, crushing in its infancy the first appearance of it in the western world. "The former seems to have lost sight of its ancient name and state; Franks from the freedom it once enjoyed; the latter, while it boasts of enjoying freedom itself, would ruin others for vindicating their common right to it. The first is acting a cruel and unmanly part, thus to use its vastly superior force against people so unable to resist it; but is however more excusable than the latter, as the people to be oppressed are NOT her own children!” On the same paper, at the close of the above paragraph, are the following memoranda. "The four refused petitions. Calculation of the time necessary to subdue the colonies. Instructions to dissolve Assemblies." ministry continues in power; but, though they have by the late deceptive motion, amused many people here, so as to give an appearance as if they intended pacific measures, on which the stocks, which were falling apace, have risen again; yet, when this deceit is understood, and time proves the intended offer to America futile and ineffectual, the redoubled clamor of the trading, manufacturing, and Whig interests here will infallibly overthrow all the enemies of America, and produce an acknowledgment of her rights and satisfaction for her injuries. If we continue firm and united, and resolutely persist in the non-consumption agreement, this adverse ministry cannot possibly stand another year. And surely the great body of our people, the farmers and artificers, will not find it hard to keep an agreement by which they both sare and gain. The traders only can suffer, and, where they do really suffer, some compensation should if possible be made them. Hitherto the conduct of the colonies has given them great reputation all over Europe. By a brave perseverance, with prudence and moderation, not forward in acting offensively, but resolute in defence when necessary, they will establish a respectable character both for wisdom and courage; and then they will find friends everywhere. The eyes of all Christendom are now upon us, and our honor as a people is become a matter of the utmost consequence to be taken care of. If we tamely give up our rights in this contest, a century to come will not restore us in the opinion of the world; we shall be stamped with the character of dastards, poltrons, and fools; and be despised and trampled upon, not by this haughty, insolent nation only, but by all mankind. Present inconveniences are, therefore, to be borne with fortitude, and better times expected. "Informes hyemes reducit Jupiter; idem Summovet. Non si male nunc, et olim Sic erit." I am much pleased with Mr. Quincy. It is a thousand pities his strength of body is not equal to his strength of mind. His zeal for the public, like that of David for God's house, will, I fear, eat him up. I hope Mrs. Bowdoin's health is fully established. Make my respectful compliments acceptable to her; and believe me ever, with sincere and great esteem, Dear Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN. P. S. I never could learn the cause of Mr. Temple's being displaced. The ministry refused to give any reason for it. I have imagined, that it was a suspicion of his being the author of some pieces in the papers reflecting on their measures. TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY. Plan of Union sent by Galloway to England. - Objections to a Union. - Preliminary Articles to be agreed upon before such a Plan should be adopted. - Lord North's Proposal meant to divide rather than to conciliate the Colonies. DEAR FRIEND, London, 25 February, 1775. In my last I mentioned to you my showing your plan of union to Lords Chatham and Camden. I now hear, that you had sent it to Lord Dartmouth. Lord Gower I believe alluded to it, when in the House he |