A.D. 1789.]

SALE OF CHURCH PROPERTY.

quitted the hall, inviting the deputies of their party to follow them; or, if they stayed, they called out to them to take no part in the deliberation. The clubbists, forming through this dereliction of duty a majority of the assembly, carried every resolution that they pleased. The bishops and nobles, firmly believing that the new order of things would not last, hastened, with a sort of impatience as if determined to accelerate both the ruin of the monarchy and their own. With this senseless conduct they combined an insulting disdain, both of the assembly and the people who attended the sittings. Instead of listening, they laughed and talked aloud, thus confirming the people in the unfavourable opinion which it had conceived of them; and, instead of striving to recover its confidence and esteem, they strove only to gain its hatred and contempt. All these follies arose solely from the mistaken notions of the bishops and nobles, who could not persuade themselves that the revolution had long been effected in the opinion and in the heart of every Frenchman. By this impolitic obstinacy they forced the revolutionists beyond the goal which they had set up for themselves. The nobles and bishops then exclaimed against tyranny and injustice. They talked of the antiquity and legitimacy of their rights to men who had sapped the foundation of all rights."

Nor were their exertions confined to the assembly out of doors, but throughout the whole of the kingdom they maintained the inveterate opposition. The Breton Club, which, at the time that the king and the assembly had removed to Paris, had taken possession of the great hall of the convent of the Jacobins, in the Rue St. Honoré, and there assumed the name of the "Jacobin Club," was in renewed activity, and took every advantage of the schism betwixt the popular deputies and the clergy and noblesse in the assembly. By this division, and their own daring, they soon subjected the assembly to the club, to the Palais Royal, and to the mob. The mob found that having the king in their keeping did not produce any increase of bread, and they continued as turbulent as ever. The discontented nobles and clergy fomented the discontent of the people. The officers of the army, who belonged to the aristocracy, were easily influenced, and violent quarrels took place betwixt them and the soldiers who belonged to the people; and the soldiers frequently gave up the officers to the mob, who murdered them. In the provinces the leaven of priestly and aristocratic influence produced demonstrations in the parliaments against the national assembly. Such was the case at Rouen, Nantes, Rennes, Metz, and other places. They deplored the ruin of the ancient monarchy, the restraint put upon the king, and the violation of the ancient laws. The king appeared to favour this policy. The queen complained that the king was not free, and that the life-guards were sent away from their proper duty, and that that was done by the national guards. La Fayette promised that the life-guards should be restored, and procured an order from the municipality for this purpose; but the king would not have the life-guards back, lest, as he said, they should be murdered; but, undoubtedly, from the true reason, that he wished to appear a captive.

The national assembly having laid their hands on the enormous church property, thought they should easily

477

dispose of it; but this was not the case. Probably, in the unsettled state of everything, capitalists thought there might yet be some reverse turn of the wheel, and that the church might again reclaim its own. At all events, there were few purchasers; but the greater part of those who farmed the church lands were both indisposed to purchase it, or to pay rent for it. Probably, like the capitalists at large, they feared that if they paid the rent to the assembly, the church might ere long be in a position to demand it a second time. Under these circumstances, the municipality of Paris ventured to bid for large quantities of these church lands. They had themselves but small funds, but they issued paper money in payment, to be redeemed when they should sell the lands. Provincial municipalities took the hint, and purchased in like manner, paying by local notes, which government circulated in payment of demands upon it-these demands for the coming year announting to four hundred millions of livres. The government, also taking this hint, issued national notes, called assignats. They struck off assignats to the required sum for the year 1790, some four hundred millions of livres, and made the church property security for the repayment. Thus the seizure of the church property introduced the famous assignats. The abbé Maury, the determined and eloquent champion of the church, made a violent resistance to this measure, but in vain. The only effect was to make him so obnoxious to the populace, that he was obliged to carry loaded pistols whenever he appeared abroad for self-defence, and, indeed, many of the anti-popular members of the assembly did the same.

Under such circumstances closed the year 1789. The intense excitement which the rapid course of these French events had produced in England had nearly superseded all other topics of interest. At first, there was an almost universal jubilation over this wonderful revolution. The dreadful state of misery and oppression to which France had been reduced; the fearful exactions; the system of popular ignorance maintained by priestcraft; the abominable feudal insolence; the abuse of lettres de cachet; and the internal obstructions of customs and barriers betwixt one province and another, made every friend of freedom desirous of seeing all these swept away. The early progress of their destruction was hailed with enthusiasm in England. Even the retired and timid poet, Cowper, sang a triumphal note on the fall of the Bastille; but soon the bloody fury of the populace, and the domineering character of the assembly, which did not deign to stop at the proper constitutional limits, began to create distrust and aların. Amongst the first to perceive and to denounce this work of anarchy rather than of reform, was Burke. In common with Fox, and Pitt, and many other statesmen, he had rejoiced in the fall of the corrupt government of France; but he soon began to perceive that the people were displaying the same ferocious character as in all their former outbreaks. "If," he wrote to M. Menonville, a moderate member of the assembly, "any of these horrid deeds were the acts of the rulers, what are we to think of the armed people under such rulers? But if there be no rulers in reality, and the chiefs are driven before the people rather than lead them; and if the armed corps are composed of men who have no fixed principle of obedience, and are moved only by the prevalence of some general inclin

was left helpless. Fox replied that he had been mistaken by his most venerated and estimable friend; that he was no friend to anarchy, and lamented the cruelties that had been practised in France, but he considered them the natural result of the long and terrible despotism which had produced the convulsion, and that he had the firmest hopes that the French would yet complete their constitution with wisdom and moderation. Here the matter might have ended, but Sheridan rose and uttered a grand but illconsidered euloguim on the French revolution, and charged Burke with being an advocate of despotism. Burke highly resented this; he made a severe reply to Sheridan; and, instead of the benefits which he prognosticated, Burke, with a deeper sagacity, declared that the issue of that revolution would be not only civil war, but many other wars.

ation, who can repute himself safe amongst a people so furious and so senseless?" As he continued to gaze, he was compelled to confess that he saw no great and wise principles of legislation displayed by the assembly; but that it went on destroying without knowing how to rebuild in a manner likely to last, or to work any one any good. The whole of the constitution-making, whieh annihilated the royal power, which erected no second chamber, but absorbed all authority into the assembly, a mixed and heterogeneous body, he declared to be a bungling and monstrous performance. On the other hand, Dr. Price, Dr. Priestley, and numbers of equally enthusiastic men, saw nothing but what was animating in the progress of the French revolution. "The Revolution Society," including many of the highest names of the whig aristocracy, which was accustomed to meet on the 4th of November, to celebrate the anniversary of the landing of William III., and the English revolution of 1688, this year presented a glowing address of congratulation to the French national assembly, which was carried over by lord Stanhope and Dr. Price. Of course, they and the address were received with great acclamation by the assembly. The admiration of the French revolution spread over this country. Clubs were established, both in London and in the country, in sympathy with it, and the press became very Gallican and republican in its tone, and there was much corresponding with admirers of the revolu-ary principles. The king made no secret of his abhorrence tion in France, especially with Thomas Paine, who had now transferred himself from America to this new scene of the proclaimed "Rights of Man," with a political fanatic destined to acquire considerable attention, calling himself Anacharsis Clootz, the orator of mankind, a Mr. Christie, and others.

We must open the year 1790 by reverting to the affairs of England, and of other countries having an influence on English interests. The parliament met on the 21st of January; and, in the course of the debate on the address in the commons, Fox took the opportunity to laud the French revolution, and especially the soldiers for destroying the government which had raised them, and which they had sworn to obey. Burke, in reply, whilst paying the highest compliments to the genius of Fox, and expressing the value which he placed on his friendship, endeavoured to guard the house and country against the pernicious consequences of such an admiration as had been expressed by Fox. He declared the conduct of the troops disgraceful; for, instead of betraying the government, they ought to have defended it so far as to allow of its yielding the necessary reforms. But the socalled reforms in France, he said, were a disgrace to the nation. They had, instead of limiting each branch of the government for the general good, and for rational liberty, destroyed all the balances and counterpoises which gave the state steadiness and security. They had pulled down all things into an incongruous and ill-digested mass; they had concocted a digest of anarchy called the Rights of Man, which would disgrace a schoolboy; and had laid the axe to the root of all property by confiscating that of the church. compare that revolution with our glorious one of 1688, he said was next to blasphemy. They were diametrically opposed. Ours preserved the constitution and got rid of an arbitrary monarch; theirs destroyed the constitution, and kept a monarch who was willing to concede reforms, but who

To

The whig party were in the greatest consternation at this sudden disruption of the union of the heads of their party. A meeting was held on the night of the 11th, at Burlington House, which did not separate till three o'clock in the morning. The result did not appear to have been very satisfactory, and the fears of the whigs were greatly augmented by finding Pitt, who had hitherto praised the revolution, now express the great obligations of the country to Mr. Burke, for the able warning which he had given against revolution

of those principles. He considered the French revolution as the direct result of the American one; and, having come to the conclusion that he had himself erred by too much concession, he now censured the concessions of Louis XVI., as fraught with certain calamity. All this boded a decided resistance to the spirit of reform at home. There was a new schism amongst the organs of the press. Many of the newspapers still fostered in their columns the wildest hopes of universal advantage to the cause of liberty from the French revolution; but others adopted the opinions and views of Burke-and no few of the whig and Foxite papers were of this class. The effect of the alarm at the wild conduct of the French was speedily seen in the refusal to consider the repeal of the test and corporation act, which was brought forward by Fox, on behalf of the dissenters, and a motion for parliamentary reform, introduced by Mr. Flood. Both were strongly opposed, on the ground that this was not the time to make any changes whilst so riotous a spirit of change was near us, and was so warmly admired by many of our own people. Both motions were rejected by large majorities.

On the 10th of March, by a majority of one hundred and fifty-four against twenty-eight, the salary of the speaker of the house of commons was raised from about three thousand pounds, which it had hitherto been, through allowance and fees, to six thousand pounds—a very handsome income for sitting on a chair, and crying "order! order!" occasionally; especially as, besides this, the speaker, was, as a matter of custom, presented, on the commencement of a new parliament, with one thousand pounds for equipment-money, two thousand ounces of plate, and also annually one hundred pounds for stationery, and two hogsheads of claret. Addington, the son of Chatham's physician, who was now speaker, expressed himself as particularly gratified, as well he might. On the 31st of March Dundas introduced the Indian

DISPUTE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SPAIN.

|

regarded the assertion of our rights rather as a matter of national honour than of territorial and mercantile advantage. Time has shown that it is far more important in these latter respects than any of the actors in the dispute knew.

Whilst the negotiations on this subject were in progress, the house of commons passed a bill, confirming the grant made by the king of a pension of one thousand pounds a-year, for twenty-one years, on Dr. Willis, for his attendance on the king during his derangement. During the same period, too, Wilberforce, on the 27th of January, had obtained a committee of inquiry into the slave trade. Wilberforce, Clarkson, and the anti-slavery committees, both in London and the provinces, were labouring with indefatigable industry in collecting and diffusing information on this subject. The committee of the commons found strong opposition even in the house, and, on the 23rd of April, lord Penrhyn moved that no further evidence should be heard by the committee; but this was overruled, and the hearing of evidence continued through the session, though no further debate took place on the question.

In Ireland, the influence of the free notions of France was already become broadly manifest, and though it proceeded to no unconstitutional act, it wonderfully invigorated the resentment of the Irish against corruptions of government. These truly demanded reprehension and reform; but the government of Pitt was strong, and set both Ireland and reform at defiance. The marquis of Buckingham, the lord-lieutenant, was recalled, because he had not been able to repress the movement in the Irish parliament on the regency question. The earl of Westmoreland was sent in his place; but the parliament still showed its resentment as strongly as ever, and proceeded to delve vigorously into the sink of government corruption, and demand numerous corrections of abuses. Direct motions on the subject were made in both houses; in the peers by lord Portarlington, in the commons by Grattan, and, in truth, the ministerial abuses of the Irish government were disgraceful. Grattan, on the 1st of February, pointed out the increased number of commissioners of revenue, and moved that his majesty be addressed to inquire by whose advice this was. Next the increase of the pension-list came under discussion; then the granting of no less than fourteen government offices recently to members of the Irish commons. Lastly, was noticed the paltry withdrawal of lord Strangford's pension of four hundred pounds, which had been granted him at the request of the Irish house of lords, in consequence of his small income, because he had voted against ministers on the regency bill, at the same time that there were numbers of men who were not Irishmen, and had never done anything for Ireland or any other country, saddled on the Irish revenue in a variety of sinecure posts and pensions. All these motions, however, were rejected by large ministerial majorities.

Before returning to the progress of the French revolution the most momentous of all modern events—we must pass a hasty glance over the affairs of the Netherlands and the

The trial of Warren Hastings was still dragging its slow length along in Westminster Hall. On the 16th of February, which was the fifty-fifth sitting of the court, Mr. Anstruther went through the charge respecting the corrupt receipt of presents. Disputes immediately arose about the evidence proper to be admitted; the lords, as usual, retired to consult, and the counsel for Hastings threw in all the obstructions that they could, reading, at full length, enormous documents, and cavilling at every step. Burke, who saw, as everybody else did, that they were resolved on tiring everybody out, and quashing the trial, complained, on the 11th of May, to the house of commons. He "proposed that the house should take into its consideration the interruptions occasioned by the lords; and should also authorise the managers to insist only on such charges as should bring the trial speedily to an end." Major Scott, Hastings' unblush-north of Europe. On the accession of Leopold, the brother ing champion, published a letter in a newspaper, charging all the delays on the managers. This was taken up as a breach of the privileges of the commons, and Scott was called to stand up in his place, and receive a reprimand from Pitt; which was done. Burke complained of the bribery, both of the press and of individuals, by Hastings, to blacken the characters of the managers, and get rid of the prosecution. He declared that not less than twenty thousand pounds had been spent on the press by Hastings for these purposes; and it was well known that major Scott himself had received from him another twenty thousand pounds for his bullying the managers, both in parliament and in the newspapers. Such were the infamous means by which Hastings sought to avoid a fair verdict on his crimes, and so effectual were they, that the court never got, this session, farther than the charge by Anstruther, and its summing up by Fox on the 7th and 9th of June. There were only thirteen days occupied in the trial during this session of parliament, and the court then adjourned to the first Tuesday in the next session. On Thursday, the 10th of June, parliament was adjourned by a speech from the throne, in which nc mention whatever was made of the state of affair, in France.

of Joseph, a sweeping change was made in Austrian policy. Leopold had ruled his dominions, as grand duke of Tuscany, with remarkable wisdom and benevolence. He had introduced many admirable reforms, and had abolished the punishment of death-a grand example to the other nations of Europe, and proved to be as sound as it was striking by its results. He now made haste to assure the Netherlanders that all their grievances should be redressed, and their old charters and constitution restored. There had always been a considerable party in favour of the imperial government, and this party was now greatly increased by these wise assurances, which were relied on from the known magnanimous character of the emperor. A congress met at Reichenbach to endeavour to make a peace betwixt Austria and the sultan, and this was accomplished by the mediation of England, Prussia, and Holland. The ministers of the three powers who had brought about this peace of Reichenbach, next guaranteed to Leopold all the possessions of Austria in the Netherlands, on condition that he should restore all the ancient privileges and constitution. On the other hand, the democratic party had a congress of the United Belgic States, and this congress, infected by the French republican principles, declared still for independence. They were for

A.D. 1790.]

STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THE NETHERLANDS.

481

having a strange monstrosity of a government, combining Dumouriez, Vandernoot and Vaneupen, the leaders of the all the political licence of France with the most thorough revolutionary party appeared regular adventurers and priestcraft of Rome, for there was, and probably is now, no impostors, most grossly imposing on the people; the people country in Europe where the populace was, and is, so thoroughly to be most grossly ignorant and bigoted; and the army, under the spell of the catholic priests. Another party pro- though full of courage, yet destitute of good officers, money, posed to have the duke of Orleans as the grand duke of clothing, and discipline. Dumouriez, therefore, shrewdly Flanders and Brabant, and Montmorin, the French minister, concluded that France had better make no present engageappeared to favour this scheme, from a desire to rid Paris ments with the Belgian reformers, but leave the destinies of of his presence. When the duke was banished, and came to the country to be decided by the congress at Reichenbach,

England, this scheme fell to pieces, and La Fayette and Montmorin reverted to the idea of a republic in the Netherlands, which should form a barrier betwixt Austria and France, in case that Austria should attempt to invade France and crush the revolution, as appeared probable. Dumouriez was sent to Brussels to inquire into the real state of the Netherlands, as the Belgians had sent deputies to Paris to make certain overtures. The result of Dumouriez's inquiries was so extremely unfavourable that the French government gave up all idea of meddling in Netherland affairs. To

VOL. V.-No. 249.

where the English, Dutch, and Prussian ministers had guaranteed the restoration of the government to Leopold. on the renewal of the ancient institutions.

The Pitt ministry continued to display a most blind and selfish policy as regarded the encroachments of Russia on the Turkish empire. The undisguised policy of Catherine was to press on her operations against Turkey till she hal planted herself in Constantinople. No man having the least pretence to a statesmanlike sagacity could be ignorant of the calamitous consequences of having this semi-barbarous