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Clanism, or Tribism, is the third state of society. It is the junction of several families whom nearness of race, analogy of name, vicinage of situation, or some such conditions of probability, connect in a league, protective and aggressive, against a common foe. Junction of a temporary or incidental character, under one chief, with independence of families in general relations, characterizes the tribe, the sept, the horde, and the clan. This junction, primitively organized for defence or aggression only, as resulting from the disputes respecting pasturage, has in itself important results. The tents of the various families are clustered together, and become stationary huts, containing the germ of a village. In war, the elected chief commences the institution of arbitrative power. Meanwhile population is on the increase. Their pasture, altho maintained as the property of the tribe, becomes insufficient for their wants. They cannot aggress, for their neighbors are clans as strong as themselves. They cannot change their situation. They have formed the attachment of place, and would have to move thrö a hostile country. They look at home: they curtail their pasture, extend their agriculture, and thus provide for their population, and increase their wealth. In this latter respect is produced a motive for further societary change.

At this stage, Barbarization, the fourth state of society, arises. Induced by the wealth of the territory of a particular tribe, other tribes league together, and conquer it. By this warfare the barbarous manners are created, from which we name this state. The conquest of tribes, however, constitutes the nation. Monarchy establishes itself. The village, when centrally situate, becomes a city, or even a regal metropolis. The politics of the age enters into its ecclesiastics, and finds a Moses, a Mohammed, a Constantine, and a Charlemagne, as its practical expositors. The Latin and Sabine tribes become Romans, and Veii and Fidenatæ are conquered. The Saxon Heptarchy becomes the English nation. The nation is; the people not. War supplies the wants of the nation. The provinces feed the capital. Industry is not free, but compulsory. War meanwhile increases; it becomes national instead of tribal. All the power of the monarch is directed to it. He must succeed, or fall. The limits of his empire are increased; he must protect his boundaries. His chieftains grow tired of war; he must render it more attractive.

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These causes effect a fifth state of society, Feudality or Baronialism. characteristic is Union, with graduated dependency. A barbarian monarch requires to conquer, or to maintain. The limits of his empire are too large, both for unrestricted obedience, and for simple personal aggrandizement. He grants, therefore, certain lands to certain of his chiefs, on condition of their conquest or their maintenance, and with patents of nobility, but subject to be held under certain customs or payments, in fief of him as their lord paramount. These fiefs are again subdivided by their holders into lesser fiefs, and distributed by them, under similar stipulations, among less powerful chieftains. The same system, thus applied politically, is adopted into ecclesiastical organization, whence come clerical as well as lay barons. Such is an outline of what is known as the Feudal System, from which we name the fifth societary state. In it aristocracy, titles of nobility, and heraldry arise, the illusions of chivalry prevail, and manorial institutions and copyholds commence. Meanwhile a period of peace occurs. The feudal barons repair to their castles. They attract

retainers around them. The monarch is now not alone in possessing a court. The barons and their courts have wants. The artizan appears to gratify them, and as the city has grown around the monarch, so grows the town around the baron.

From these causes springs a sixth societary state-that of Municipality. Differences arose between the central authority of the barbarian monarch, and the circular power of his feudal chiefs. Art had manifested itself, fostered by patronage, but with it came intelligence. The serf who had become an artizan, wished to become a free artizan, and would fight the battle, or defend the castle, only on that condition. His freedom was so gained, by this, and by the growing love of art. Towns were chartered with burgess rights and privileges. Industrial corporations and mercantile guilds obtained freedom, or bought it. The thirteenth century saw the tradesmen, as the Commons, admitted by their representatives, altho restricted by limitations, into the governing political assemblies of England and France. The oligarchic element had arisen in society. The Hanseatic league was instituted. And now the relations between the aristocracy and the commercial class become closer. The mercantile wealth of the latter increases, and places itself by the side of the territorial property of the former. Meanwhile, as the commercial demand has increased, prosperous tradesmen have employed sub-salaried workmen. These increase in number and intelligence; thus causing a seventh societary state.

This seventh state of society is Civilization, or the Civil-Commercial period. Fostered by municipal institutions, the last of which in the British Isles was the municipal Reform Bill, trade at first florishes. Commerce is pacific. International treaties arise. Tariffs are introduced. A balance of power commences among nations, and war is in a great degree checkt. Correcter views of Christianity assist this. Meanwhile population ever increases. Its majority hasten to manufactures, and neglect agriculture. The markets of production are overstockt, and the distribution is defective. The nation has become a people, but it is an unemployed, and therefore a miserable and starving people. National war has been checkt, but the war of commercial competition rages. Democracy arises, and commences the contest for the unemployed. The electoral principle of representative reform is partially introduced, yet nothing but palliatives, or temporary revolution, offer themselves. Lastly, immense improvements in machinery are effected, and add to the development of a new societary state.

This eighth societary state is Monopolism, or negative association. The improvements in machinery are seized upon by an individual capitalist, or by a company of capitalists. They tend still more and more to throw the manual laborer out of employment, as they are monopolized for private advantage. Commercial patents increase. Great firms rule the markets. Forestalling, and its concomitant famine, are fearfully prevalent. Monopolizing companies, and not national governments, execute railways and great public works. Private banks are extended. Monopoly in machinery, monopoly in corn, monopoly in legislation, and monopoly in almost every respect, prevail. The rich become richer daily, and the poor, poorer. Change is absolutely forced on by misery and starvation. Such is the terrible state of society under which the more civilized countries, and most particularly the British Isles, are now groaning.

Hence the ninth societary state is partially arising-Associality. Those who are not reduced to absolute pauperism by Monopolism, are compelled by it to associate for mutual benefit. They institute labor exchanges, with labor notes as a monetary currency. They as laborers, imitate the capitalists in the variety of their combinations, with the difference that the constitution of their associations is less exclusive. They form co-operative societies and land-buying companies. They subscribe to building-associations. They arrange united cornmills, and constitute associative-farming-and-manufacturing-societies. They organize by shares, or by subscriptions, associations of united capital, skill, and industry. This phase of society has already partially commenced in all civilized countries. It is, however, individualized, indefinite, and feeble. Like Monopolism, Municipality, and Feudality, it is rather a transitive state than a societary position (like Barbarization or Civilization) of positive enduring progress. It does not act from the whole, but from a few. It is more analytic than synthetic. It possesses little power save example. It is subject to external competition and national will. It is therefore only critical and transitive. It indicates, and prepares the way for, a further state of society, in which its principles shall have a generalized application, and its practices be empowered by public opinion.

The tenth state of society, thus indicated and prepared, we name Communization. It is not an arbitrary proposal, altho Utopias have prophesied it. It is a deduction from existing societary premisses, which, as can be proved, must of necessity, sooner or later, take place. It has also been the beau-ideal of prophets and sages, and the aspiration of the greatest legislators and patriots, thröout all time. Its principal elements are common property, common industry, and common government, thröout the mundane system. Under its development all mankind would have one united interest, as the members of one great family. The globe would, in fact, become but one estate, of which the territories of nations were the farms. That Communization is a premized fact, and not an arbitrary assumption, may be made evident, both from the doctrine of the day and its inferences, and from the present practices of society, and their consequences. The doctrine of the Communist Church is preacht, and has its chronicles of progress, and numerous disciples, in the most advanced countries of the world. The declaration that GOD is the Only True Landlord, and that all the human race are his heirs in common, is traveling over the earth, and has its political as well as religious aspect. It is taught, that as no one did ever create a particle of entity, so has no one any right to exclusive private property. It is taught, that all should produce in common, and consume in commonthat ability is the measure of production, and want the scale of consumption. It is taught, that the practice of industry by all is an absolute condition of health for the individual, and of justice for society. It is shown that by unitary habitation, and by a union of income and expenditure, a larger population can be maintained, in greater wealth and happiness, than in a state of commercial competition and domestic isolation; that nationality is an evil, and that a federation of all countries, under a unitary government of the globe, should be establisht. Such doctrine as this must have some ground of fact whence it has arisen. The glaring inequality of private possession, caused by the competition of the eighth, and the monopoly of the ninth societary states, have directed the

attention of the people to the idea of common property. The monstrous evils caused by the private appropriation of the gigantic improvements in machinery, must further rivet this attention. In the present state of privately-monopolized machinery, a glut of manual labor is caused in the market. Want of employment, poverty, misery, and vice, are thus directly forced on the laboring masses. The machinery privately appropriated in the British Isles, was even in 1792 equal to the labor of 10,000,000 men. From subsequent improvements in the steam-engine, this mechanical power became in 1817 equal to the labor of 200,000,000 human beings. Moreover, in 1832 it equalled the industry of 400,000,000 of people, and has since gone on increasing in corresponding immense ratios. Thus it is seen that the discoveries of Arkwright and Crompton, having been seized on by capitalists and made to minister to private monopoly, have, by their superior industrial capacity, depreciated the relative value of human labor, successively thrown millions out of employment, and consequently so increased the misery of the present competitive state, that the liberty to work and the right to live are virtually denied. The only adequate remedy that seems to present itself, is that of declaring machinery public, and instituting common property. Partial emigration may precede this, but it can be only a palliative. A universal poor-rate may be adopted, but under a privately monopolized system of machinery, the rate receivers will soon so overpower in number the payers of the rate, and the evils of competition and monopoly will be so fully recognized, that common property will follow as naturally as an effect does its cause. Thus, therefore, do we consider that Communization will be the tenth societary state-the ultimate state of which we have any direct cognizance.

Such is our view of Systematic History. Thrö various states society experiences mixed good and bad; preserves the former, rejects the latter, and progresses from contention and division to peace and universal unity. The developments of one societary state operate another, and so onward to a further crisis. This doctrine is nothing more than the law of Cause and Effect applied to societary transformations. In the present synopsis of the ten principal societary states, a very cursory index only is given to a portion of societary science. It is merely an outline; but the canvass is elsewhere filled up. Yet brief as it is, the present outline of Systematic History may prove a useful index to the student.

NEW OPINIONS.

THE imputation of novelty is a terrible charge amongst those who judge of men's heads as they do of their perukes-by the fashion-and can allow none to be right but the received doctrines. Truth scarce ever yet carried it by vote anywhere at its first appearance: new opinions are always suspected, and usually opposed, without any other reason but because they are not already common ! But. Truth, like gold, is not the less so for being newly brought out of the mine. It is trial and examination must give it price, and not any antique fashion: and tho it be not current by the public stamp, yet it may, for all that, be as Old as Nature, and is certainly not less genuine.-Locke.

INSPIRATION AND THE SCRIPTURES.

'Confessions of an Enquiring Spirit: by SAMUEL TAYLOR COLERIDGE. Edited from the Author's MS. by Henry Nelson Coleridge, Esq., M.A.' London: Pickering.

NE of those minute but most precious books for which Mr. Pickering's Aldine press is famous. The 'Confessions of an Enquiring Spirit' is little known, tho few students can be strangers to the great reputation of its author, not only as an accomplisht scholar and philosopher, but as one of the greatest poets of his age, and a man gifted with a marvelous eloquence. We propose, therefore, to present our readers with the soul and substance of these 'Confessions,' thrö the medium of our first Analytical Review.

We quite accord with the editor in thinking, that the essay is a wise attempt to place the study of the Written Word on its only firm foundation-'a deep sense of God's holiness and truth, and a consequent reverence of that Light (the image of Himself) which he has kindled in every one of his rational creatures;'—we would add, a necessary attempt on the part of this poet-seer, who had a clear pre-science of the reaction to downright disbelief and scorn that, sooner or later, must follow from the monstrous Bibliolatry of the times, and from which nothing but the diffusion of truer and more transcendental views of God's unceasing Inspirations, not of Manuscripts merely but of Men, can yet save

us.

God's Spirit and in-spirit-ings were never yet shut up in Parchments, but are, and were, and ever will be, incarnated, in different degrees of power, in the Persons of the Wise and Good: and hence the synthesis of Inspirer and Inspired- THE LIGHT WITHIN' that 'enlighteneth every man'-must always be the ultimate Interpreter of the written Parchment or the printed Book. The book was made for Man, not man for the Book: and after all the jargon of the Babylonians, it will be found as true of them as of others, that the aspect and state of the spirit within—be it of light or darkness, reason or un-reason-gives the coloring and shape to their several systems. The great thing therefore is, to have the spirit fixt upon the primal and absolute perceptions of Conscience and Reason, and to permit no system or creed, no man or mystery, to put out this Divine Insight.

Our author opens with a fine definition of Faith, which is certainly a very different state from that vain and fruitless thing about which the sectaries are for ever babbling.

FAITH subsists in the synthesis [or union] of the REASON and the individual WILL. By virtue of the latter it must be an energy, and, inasmuch as it relates to the whole moral man, it must be exerted in each and all of his constituents or incidents, faculties and tendencies :—it must be a total, not a partial-a continuous, not a desultory or oc

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