Wherever desirable superfluities are imported, industry is excited; and therefore plenty is produced. Were only necessaries permitted to be purchased, men would work no more than was necessary for that purpose.

40. Though we wave a discussion on particular branches of trade, as the field is too large for our present purpose; and that particular laws, and regulations, may require variation, as the different intercourses, and even interests of states, by different fluctuations, may alter; yet, as what relates to bounties or premiums, which the legislature of Great Britain has thought fit to grant, hath been by some deemed if not ill-judged, unnecessary; we hope our time not ill bestowed, to consider of the fitness, and rectitude of the principle, on which, we apprehend, these bounties, or premiums, have been granted.

41. It must, we think, on all hands be allowed, that the principle whereon they are founded must be an encouragement, tending to a general benefit, though granted, on commodities, manufactures, or fisheries, carried on in particular places and countries, which are presumed, or found, to require aid from the public purse, for farther improvement.

Of the bounties, some having had the proposed effect, are discontinued: others are continued, for the very reason they were first given.

In our opinion, no doubt can arise, as to the utility of these grants from the public purse, to individuals. The grand principle of trade, which is gain, is the foundation of bounties: for as every individual, makes a part of the whole public; consequently whatever benefits the individual, must benefit the public: hereby the wisdom of the legislature is most evident; nor should it in any wise be arraigned, though ill success attended any particular commodity, manufacture, or fishery; for the encouragement of which bounties have been established.

We are well aware that it is not impossible the purpose of bounty may have been perverted, with a view to improper gain; but it is the duty of the legislature to use the proper measures for preventing such iniquity. This abuse,

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however, cannot be adduced as an argument against the benefit arising from allowing bounties.

42. These principles in regard to bounties or premiums, are applicable to most articles of commerce, except wheat, and other grain; which we shall consider, and enlarge on, as being of a complicated nature; and concerning which, mankind have, at particular times, been divided in opinion.

43. It seems to us that this bounty on grain, was intended, not only to encourage the cultivating of land for the raisi o t in abundance in this kingdom, for the use of its inhabitants; but also to furnish our neighbors, whenever the kind hand of providence should be pleased to grant a superfluity.

44. It never can be presumed, that the encouragement, by the bounty, insures to the community an uninterrupted constant plenty: yet, when the grower of grain knows he may, by such bounty, have a chance of a foreign market for any excess he may have, more than the usual home consumption; he the more willingly labors and improves his land upon the presumption of having a vent for his superfluity, by a demand in foreign countries; so that he will not, probably, be distressed by abundance: which, strange as it may seem to some, might be the case by his want of sale; and his great charges of gathering in his crop.

45. As there are no public granaries in this kingdom; the legislature could devise no better means, than to fix stated prices under which the bounty, or encouragement from the public purse should be allowed. Whenever the current prices exceeded those stipulated, then such bounty should cease.

46. Few consider, or are affected, but by what is present. They see grain, by reason of scanty crops, dear; therefore all the doors for gain, to the cultivator of it, must always be kept shut. The common outcry is, that the exporting our wheat, furnishes bread to our neighbors, cheaper than it can be afforded to our poor at home; which affects our manufacturers, as they can thereby work cheaper. To this

last allegation we must refer to what we have said, section 26. Though the former, that wheat is, by the bounty, afforded to our neighbors cheaper than to us at home must in general be without foundation; for the several items of charge, attending the exportation of grain; such as carriage, factorage, commission, porterage, &c. The freight paid to our own shipping, to which alone the bounty is restrained, must, when duly considered, very sufficiently counterbalance the bounty: so that more than what is given. out of the public purse, is put into the pockets of individuals, for the carriage, &c. therefore, we think, we may well presume, that in general, grain exported, comes dearer to the foreigner, than to the consumer, in Great Britain.

47. Nothing can be more evident, we apprehend, than that the superfluity of our grain being exported, is a clear profit to the kingdom; as much as any other produce of our labor, in manufactures, in tin, or any commodities what

soever.

48. It behoves us, however, indubitably, to have an eye towards having a sufficiency of grain for food in this country, as we have laid down, section 26; and were the legislature to enact, that the justices of the peace, at the Christmas quarter session, should have power to summon all growers of grain, or dealers therein, and upon oath to examine them as to the quantity then remaining: returns of which quantities, should be made to the lords of the treasury, to be laid before parliament; the legislature would, upon such returns, be able to judge, whether it would be necessary to enable his majesty, with the advice of his council, to put a stop to any farther exportation at such times, as might be thought proper.

49. Or, it is submitted, whether the legislature would not act more consistent with the principle of granting bounties, by repealing the act allowing the present bounty on the several sorts of grain at the now fixed prices, and reduce these prices as follow:

On wheat from forty-eight to thirty-six or thirty-two shillings.

On barley from twenty-four to eighteen or sixteen a quarter; and so in proportion for any other grain. In short, diminish the present standard prices, under which the bounty is granted, one quarter, or one third.

50. In our humble opinion, this last method would be, by much, the most simple, and eligible; as consistent with our grand principle of freedom in trade, which would be cramped, if dependent annually on parliamentary delibera

tion.

51. The advocates for not lowering the present stipulated prices that command the bounties from the public purse, may allege, that our ancestors deemed them necessary, on the principle for granting any bounty at all, which we have above hinted, section 43. We do not controvert the wisdom of the principle, for granting a bounty; for it must have been, and ever will be, an encouragement to cultivation; and consequently it would be highly improper, wholly to discontinue it; nevertheless, if it has answered one great end proposed, which was cultivation and improvement; and that it is uncontrovertible, the cultivator has, by the improvements made by the encouragement of the bounty, a living profit at the reduced prices of thirty-two, or thirtysix shillings; sixteen or eighteen, &c. as above, which probably, when our ancestors enacted the law for granting the bounty, they understood the cultivators could not have: It seems clear, that there ought to be the proposed change, and reduction of the bounty prices as above-mentioned.

52. The French, intent on trade, have a few years since, rectified a very gross mistake they labored under, in regard to their commerce in grain, One county or province in France should abound, and the neighboring one, though almost starving, should not be permitted to get grain from the plentiful province, without particular licence from court, which cost no small trouble and expence. In sea-port towns, wheat should be imported; and soon after, without leave of the magistrates, the owner should only have liberty to export one quarter, or one third, of it, They are now wiser; and through all the kingdom the corn trade is quite

free and what is more, all sorts of grain may be exported upon French bottoms only, for their encouragement, copying, we presume, our law, whenever the market prices for three following days shall not exceed about forty-five shillings sterling a quarter for wheat: our reason for mentioning this, is only to shew, that other nations are changing their destructive measures; and that it behoves us to be careful that we pay the greatest attention to our essential intere sts

In inland high countries, remote from the sea, and whose rivers are small, running from the country, not to it, as is the case of Switzerland, great distress may arise from a course of bad harvests, if public granaries are not provided, and kept well stored. Antiently, too, before navigation was so general; ships so plenty; and commercial connections so well established; even maritime countries might be occasionally distressed, by bad crops. But such is now the facility of communication between those councountries, that an unrestrained commerce can scarce ever fail of procuring a sufficiency for any of them. If indeed any government is so imprudent, as to lay its hands on im ported corn; forbid its exportation; or compel its sale, at limited prices; there, the people, may suffer some famine, from merchants avoiding their ports. But wherever commerce is known to be always free, and the merchant absolute master of his commodity, as in Holland, there will always be a reasonable supply.

When an exportation of corn takes place, occasioned by a higher price in some foreign country, it is common to raise a clamor, on the supposition that we shall thereby produce a domestic famine. Then follows a prohibition ; founded on the imaginary distress of the poor. The poor, to be sure, if in distress, should be relieved; but if the farmer could have a high price for his corn, from the foreign demand; must he, by a prohibition of exportation, be compelled to take a low price, not of the poor only, but of every one that eats bread, even the richest? The duty of relieving the poor is incumbent on the rich; but, by this