armies, in the courfe of this campaign, repeated proofs were given, that though General WASHINGTON was forward to engage, when he thought it to his advantage, yet it was impoffible for the royal commander to bring him to action against his confent.

I claim your indulgence for recapitulating fo much of the history of our late revolution, which is already known to you all. It is no digreffion. It is all to my purpose. When General WASHINGTON is the fubject, history and eulogy are the fame; the fpeaker praifes him beft, who gives the most faithful narrative of his actions.

If time permitted, I would run over every campaign, and point out to you, in each, the many inftances in which our Hero displayed the talents of an accomplished general, as well as the mild virtues of the father of his country. I would particularize how eager he was to attack, when it could be done to advantage; and with how much dexterity he avoided engagements, when his fituation was unfavourable. With what address he kept together a half naked, half starved, and unpaid army, particularly in the last year of the war, when gold and filver were banished from circulation, and the continental currency had depreciated almost to nothing. I would unfold how the magic of his name produced union and concert among the jarring States, and their difcordant troops. I would but time fails me even to enumerate the topics, from which, by the fimple relation of facts, I could heighten your admiration of this extraordinary man. I fhall, therefore, conclude my obfervations on his military career, by obferving, that in confequence of a most judicious plan, in concerting, and executing which, General WASHINGTON had a principal fhare, Lord Cornwallis, with 7000 men, was, in October, 1781, compelled to furrender to the combined forces of France and the United States. This was the closing scene of the revolutionary war. At Trenton the firft, and at York-Town the laft decifive blow was given to the British forces in the

United States, and both were conducted under the immediate command of General WASHINGTON.

Though the capture of Lord Cornwallis, in a great measure, terminated the war, yet great and important fervices were rendered to the United States, by our General, after that event. The army, which had fought the battles of independence, was about to be difbanded without being paid. At this period, when the minds of both officers and men were in a highly irritable state, attempts were made, by plaufible but feditious publications, to induce them to unite in redreffing their griev ances, while they had arms in their hands. The whole of General WASHINGTON's influence was exerted, and nothing lefs than his unbounded influence would have been availing, to prevent the adoption of measures, that threatened to involve the country in an intestine war, between the army on the one fide, and the citizens on the other. If WASHINGTON had been a Julius Cefar, or an Oliver Cromwell, all we probably would have gained by the revolution would have been a change of our allegiance; from being the fubjects of George the Third of Great-Britain, to become the fubjects of George the Firft of America.

The war being ended; the peace, liberties, and independence of these States being acknowledged and fecured, our beloved General prefents himself before Congress, and returns into their hands his commiffion as Commander in Chief of their armies. The scene was grand and majestic. After having fuccefsfully ferved his country for eight years, and conducted its armies through a revolutionary war, which terminated in the establishment of the liberties and independence of these States, when he is about to retire to private life, does he demand honours or emoluments for himself, family, or friends? No fuch thing. In modeft language, he recommended to the favourable notice, and patronage of Congrefs, the confidential officers who were attached to his perfon. For them, he indirectly afks favours, but nothing for himself. The only privilege conferred by

Congrefs on the retiring WASHINGTON, which diftinguifhed him from any other private citizen, was, a right of fending and receiving letters free of poftage. Think not, I mean to charge my country with ingratitude. Nothing would have been refufed to him, which he wifhed to have; but to ufe his own language on another occafion, "he fhut his hand against all pecuniary compenfation."

Do you ask me, how this illuftrious General, after being used for eight years to camps, bore the languid indifference of private life? Do you inquire, whether he went to Europe in a public or private character ? Had he been a vain man, fond of applaufe, or of glit tering in the public eye, he would doubtlefs have put himfelf in the way of receiving thofe flattering atten tions, which are fo eagerly coveted by the vulgar great. Very different was the line of conduct he purfued, After refigning his commiffion, he hastened, with inef. fable delight, to his long-neglected farm at Mount Ver non; fheathed his fword; laid afide his uniform, and affumed the drefs and habits of a country gentleman, With the fame affiduity he had lately vifited camps and forts, he began once more to vifit his fields and his mills. In a fhort time, the first general of the world became the best farmer in Virginia.

Do you inquire, on what fubjects this great man, after retiring from an exalted public station, ufed to converse? Was it his practice to "fight his battles o'er again,' and entertain his company with a recital of the great fcenes in which he had been a principal actor? Ask the many gentlemen who partook of his hofpitality, and they will one and all tell you, that he rarely fpoke of the war, and still more rarely of himself, unless his guests forced converfation upon thefe fubjects. His favourite topics were agricultural; on thefe he dwelled with peculiar pleasure, and rejoiced in every opportunity of giving and receiving information on the first and beft employment of man. In this beloved retreat, from the cares and business of public life, he wished to

fpend the remainder of his days; but, after having enjoyed himself on his farm for four years, his country again called for his fervices.

From the inefficacy of the articles of Confederation, and from several other concurring caufes, a tide of evils flowed in upon the United States, in the years that immediately followed the return of peace. A Convention of the different States was called, to digest a form of government, equal to the exigencies of the Union. To this illuftrious affembly General WASHINGTON was deputed, and of it he was unanimoufly elected prefident. His wisdom had a great fhare in forming, and the influence of his name a still greater in procuring, the acceptance of the Conftitution, which the Convention recommended to the people for their adoption. By this, one legislative, executive, and judicial power was made to pervade all the States, and the executive in particular was committed to an officer, by the name of Prefident. Though great diverfity of opinions had prevailed about the merits of the new Constitution, there was but one opinion about the perfon who fhould be appointed its fupreme executive officer. Three millions of people, by their reprefentatives, unanimously gave their fuffrages in favour of GEORGE WASHINGTON. Unambitious of further honours, he wished to be excufed from all public fervice; but that ardent patriotism, by which he had always been governed, prevailed over his love of retirement, and induced him once more to engage in the great work of making a nation happy. The popularity of his name, and the confidence which the people of all the States repofed in his tried integrity, enabled him to give an energy to the new Constitution, which it would not have had under the adminiftration of any other person.

I need not remind you of the great improvements which have taken place in the wealth, refources, and commerce of the United States fince WASHINGTON has been Prefident. You know them, you feel them; and the daily increafing profperity of our country attefts

them.

In the midst of this profperity, a storm arofe in a far distant land, which threatened to involve these States in its wide spreading devaftation; but our political pilot once more faved us from impending danger. When the war broke out between France and England, an artful minister was fent from the former, with the avowed defign of involving us in the conteft. The kindred name of a republic; unbounded love and gratitude to France for beneficial aid, afforded us in our ftruggle for independence; rankling hatred of Great-Britain for the many injuries fhe had done us in the fame period, all concurred to make a strong party among us, favourable to the views of the French minif ter. This was increased by impolitic and illegal captures of our floating property, by the veffels of his Britannic Majesty. When we were apparently on the point of being drawn into the vortex of the war, Prefident WASHINGTON, by virtue of his conftitutional powers, prevented it. He nominated an envoy extraordinary to negociate with the Court of London. This, like the veto of a Roman tribune, put a stop to all further proceedings; for the legislature could not proceed to hoftile measures while the executive was negociating. The man, who, in his military capacity, had faved us from Great-Britain, now, in his civil character, faved us from ourselves. The people, though divided in parties, were fo fully convinced of the rectitude and purity of the conduct of WASHINGTON, that on a fecond election they elevated him to the fame exalted ftation, with an unanimous voice. If my time, or your patience, permitted, I would go over the civil adminif tration of our late Prefident, and point out to you his judicious arrangements for making us happy at home, and refpectable abroad; for protecting our commerce; for encouraging our agriculture; for giving vigour to our internal police, by calling into office upright and able men, in every department. I would dilate, with particular pleasure, on his unwearied endeavours to preserve the country in peace. While fome of our citizens