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kept a store, but it has not answered his expectations. He wanted to take up goods on credit here, but could not obtain any unless I would recommend it to our merchants to give it, which I could not do without making myself liable, and that I did not incline to do, having no opinion either of the honesty and punctuality of the people with whom he proposed to traffic, or of his skill and acuteness in merchandizing. I wrote this merely to apologize for any seeming unkindness on my part in not so promoting his views.

You always tell me that you live comfortably; but I sometimes suspect that you may be too unwilling to acquaint me with any of your difficulties from an apprehension of giving me pain. I wish you would let me know precisely your situation, that I may better proportion my assistance to your wants. Have you any money at interest, and what does it produce? Or do you do some kind of business for a living? If you have hazarded any of your stock in the above-mentioned trading project, I am afraid you will have but slender returns. Lest you should be straitened during the present winter, I send you on corner of this sheet a bill of exchange on our cousin, Tuthill Hubbart, for fifty dollars, which you can cut off and present to him for payment.

The barrel of flour I formerly mentioned to you as sent was not then sent, through the forgetfulness or neglect of the merchant who promised to send it. But I am told it is now gone, and I hope will arrive safe.

I received your late letter, with one from my dear

friend, Mrs. Greene, and one from [my] good niece, your daughter; all which I have at present mislaid, and therefore cannot now answer them particularly, but shall as soon as I find them.

My love to all our relations and friends, and believe me ever, your affectionate brother,

B. FRANKLIN.

MCCCCLXXXIX

ΤΟ

PHILADELPHIA, 15 December, 1787.

I hope the disorders in Brabant and Holland may be rectified without bloodshed. But I fear the impending war with the Turks, if not prevented by prudent negotiation, may in its consequences involve great part of Europe. I confide, however, that France and England will preserve their present peace with each other, notwithstanding some contrary appearances; for I think that they have both of them too much sense to go to war without an important cause, as well as too little money at present.

As to the projected conquest of Turkey, I apprehend that, if the Emperor and Empress would make some use of arithmetic, and calculate what annual revenues may be expected from the country they want, should they acquire it, and then offer the Grand Seignior a hundred times that annual revenue, to be paid down for an amicable purchase of it, it would be his interest to accept the offer, as well as theirs to make it, rather than a war for it should take

place; since a war, to acquire that territory and to retain it, will cost both parties much more, perhaps ten times more, than such sum of purchase money. But the hope of glory and the ambition of princes are not subject to arithmetical calculation. My best wishes attend you; being with great esteem, sir, etc., B. FRANKLIN.

MCCCCXC

TO THE GOVERNOR OF GEORGIA

Philadelphia, 16 December, 1787.

SIR:-I received by Mr. Dromgoole the letter your Excellency did me the honor of writing to me the 2d of November past, and am much concerned to hear that a war between the State of Georgia and the Creek Indians was unavoidable.

During the course of a long life, in which I have made observations on public affairs, it has appeared to me that almost every war between the Indians and whites has been occasioned by some injustice of the latter towards the former. It is indeed extremely imprudent in us to quarrel with them for their lands, as they are generally willing to sell, and sell such good bargains; and a war with them is so mischievous to us in unsettling frequently a great part of our frontier, and reducing the inhabitants to poverty and distress, and is besides so expensive that it is much cheaper, as well as honester, to buy their lands than to take them by force.

Your State would, I imagine, be much more secure

from the mischiefs of Indian wars if you imitated the mode of settlement in the New England States, which was to grant their lands in townships of about six miles square to sixty families. These first chose a spot for their town, where they cleared a square of perhaps twenty acres, round which they fixed their houses, fifteen on a side, all fronting inwards to the square, so that they were all in sight of each other. In the middle of the square they erected a house for public worship, and a school, stockaded round as a fort for the reception and protection of their women and children in case of alarm. Behind each house was first a garden plot, then an orchard, and then a pasture for a cow or two, and behind all, outwards, their cornfield. Thus situated one house could not be attacked without its being seen and giving alarm to the rest, who were ready to run to its succor. This discouraged such attempts. Then they had the advantage of giving schooling to their children, securing their morals by the influence of religion, and improving each other by civil society and conversation. In our way of sparse and remote settlements, the people are without these advantages, and we are in danger of bringing up a set of savages of four] own color.

MCCCCXCI

TO THE PRINTER OF THE "EVENING HERALD":

SIR:-The British newswriters are very assiduous

in their endeavors to blacken America.

The date of this piece is uncertain.

Should we

not be careful not to afford them any assistance by censures of one another, especially by censures not well founded?

I lately observed in one of your papers the conduct of the State of Massachusetts reflected on as being inconsistent and absurd, as well as wicked, for attempting to raise a tax by a stamp act, and for carrying on the slave trade.

The writer of those reflections might have considered that their principal objection to the stamp tax was its being imposed by a British Parliament, which had no right to tax them; for otherwise a tax by stamps is perhaps to be levied with as little inconvenience as any other that can be invented. Ireland has a stamp tax of its own; but should Britain pretend to impose such a tax on the Irish people, they would probably give a general opposition to it, and ought not for that to be charged with inconsistence.

One or two merchants in Boston, employing ships in the abominable African trade, may deservedly be condemned, though they do not bring their slaves home, but sell them in the West Indies. The State, as such, has never that I have heard of given encouragement to the diabolical commerce; and there have always been fewer slaves in the New England governments than in any other British colonies. National reflections are seldom just, and a whole people should not be decried for the crimes of a few individuals.

Your inserting this may make that brave people some amends, and will oblige one of your customers, who is,

A PENNSYLVANIAN.

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