fested, will promote the interest of the Church of England far more honorably and permanently than creeds, tests, or anathemas. He has proved himself the generous minister of peace, and if his brethren follow so laudable an example by offering the olive branch, instead of brandishing the sword or throwing down the gauntlet, I hope and trust an end will be put to theological contention and hostility.

Is there any prospect of your revisiting England? Few events would give me more delight than to have an opportunity of assuring you in person, with what cordial esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, dear sir, etc.,

THOMAS PERCIVAL.

MCCCXLV

FROM RICHARD PRICE

NEWINGTON GREEN, 3 June, 1785.

MY DEAR FRIEND:-I wrote to you and Mr. Jefferson a few weeks ago, and sent you some copies of the edition lately published here of my pamphlet on the American Revolution. Mr. Williams has given me much pleasure by calling upon me, and bringing me a letter from you. I have, according to your desire, furnished him with a list of such books on religion and government as I think some of the best, and added a present to the parish that is to bear your name, of such of my own publications as I think may not be unsuitable. Should this be the commencement of parochial libraries in the States, it will do great good.

Mr. Williams tells me that you have obtained permission to resign, and that you are likely soon to return to America, there to finish your life; a life which, without doubt, will be one of the most distinguished in future annals. Indeed, I cannot wonder that, after being so long tossed on the sea of politics, and seeing your country, partly under your guidance, carried through a hard contest, and a most important revolution established, you should wish to withdraw to rest and tranquillity.

May the best blessings of Heaven attend you, and the sad malady under which you are suffering be rendered as tolerable to you as possible. You are going to the New World; I must stay in this; but I trust there is a world beyond the grave, where we shall be happier than ever. I shall be always following you with my good wishes, and remain, with unalterable respect and affection, etc.,

RICHARD PRICE.

MCCCXLVI

FROM CLAUDIUS CRIGAN, BISHOP OF SODOR AND MAN

ISLE OF MAN, 7 June, 1785.

The name of Dr. Franklin stands so high in politics and philosophy, that it were a proof of the depth of ignorance and obscurity to be unacquainted with the great things he has done in both these useful sciences. Europe as well as America looks with equal veneration and admiration on the great man, who supported an oppressed and almost sinking

state, and forsook her not until he secured her freedom and established her independence among the sovereigns of the world. Some of these few, who have had the happiness of a personal acquaintance with him, have assured me they found him as willing to communicate his knowledge as he had been studious to obtain it, and that no one could leave him without carrying away some improvement and receiving the most pleasing entertainment.

When crowns court attention, it is scarcely decent for common people to solicit admission; but a Mr. Hamilton of Ireland, and some other friends of mine, have given me such accounts of your condescension, that I am emboldened to give you this trouble, and to presume so far as to entreat the liberty of introducing my vicar-general, the Reverend Mr. Christian, to you; and, as we have lately received some imperfect sketches of the establishment of the Episcopal Church of England in the southern colonies of North America, should Mr. Christian request any information from you, or propose any thing for the benefit of religion in that quarter of the world, you may depend with the greatest safety on his talents and intelligence in Church business, as well as his sincerity in assisting me in executing any part in the system he may have the honor of proposing to you. I shall consider a few lines in acknowledgment of your forgiveness of this intrusion of myself and my friend upon you, as the greatest honor of my life, and remain, with the most profound respect, your most obedient servant,

CLAUDIUS SODOR AND MAN.

MCCCXLVII

ON THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISES ENJOYED BY THE SMALL BOROUGHS IN ENGLAND

No man, or body of men, in any nation, can have a just right to any privilege or franchise not common to the rest of the nation, without having done the nation some service equivalent, for which the franchise or privilege was the recompense or consideration.

No man, or body of men, can be justly deprived of a common right, but for some equivalent offence or injury done to the society in which he enjoyed that right.

If a number of men are unjustly deprived of a common right, and the same is given in addition to the common rights of another number who have not merited such addition, the injustice is double.

Few, if any, of the boroughs in England ever performed any such particular service to the nation, entitling them to what they now claim as a privilege in elections.

Originally, in England, when the king issued his writs of calling upon the counties, cities, and boroughs, to depute persons who should meet him in Parliament, the intention was to obtain by that

1 Addressed to Sir Charles Wyvill, and accompanied by the following note to him from the author, dated Passy, June 16, 1785: "I send you herewith the sketch I promised you. Perhaps there may be some use in publishing it; for, if the power of choosing now in the boroughs continues to be allowed as a right, they may think themselves more justifiable in demanding more for it, or holding back longer, than they would if they find that it begins to be considered as an abuse."

means more perfect information of the general state of the kingdom, its faculties, strength, and disposition, together with the advice their accumulated wisdom might afford him in "such arduous affairs of the realm" as he had to propose. And he might reasonably hope that measures approved by the deputies in such an assembly would, on their return home, be by them well explained, and rendered agreeable to their constituents and the nation in general. At that time, being sent to Parliament was not considered as being put into the way of preferment or increase of fortune; therefore no bribe was given to obtain the appointment. The deputies were to be paid wages by their constituents; therefore the being obliged to send and pay was considered rather as a duty than a privilege. At this day, in New England, many towns, who may and ought to send members to the Assembly, sometimes neglect to do it; they are then summoned to answer for their neglect, and fined if they cannot give a good excuse, such as some common misfortune, or some extraordinary public expense, which disabled them from affording, conveniently, the necessary wages. And, the wages allowed being barely sufficient to defray the deputy's expense, no solicitations are used to be chosen.

In England, as soon as the being sent to Parliament was found to be a step towards acquiring both honor and fortune, solicitations were practised, and, where they were insufficient, money was given. Both the ambitious and avaricious became candidates. But to solicit the poor laborer for his vote being