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others, but for causes, some of which are in our case impossible, and others it is impious to suppose possible.
The Romans well understood that policy, which teaches the security arising to the chief government from separate states among the governed; when they restored the liberties of the states of Greece (oppressed but united under Macedon) by an edict, that every state should live under its own laws. They did not even name a governor. Independence of each other, and separate interests (though among a people united by common manners, language, and I may say religion; inferior neither in wisdom, bravery, nor their love of liberty, to the Romans themselves ;) was all the security the sovereigns wished for their sovereignty. It is true, they did not call themselves sovereigns; they set no yalue on the title; they were contented with possessing the thing. And possess it they did, even without a standing army: (what can be a stronger proof of the security of their possession ?) And yet by a policy, similar, to this throughout, was the Roman world subdued and held: a world composed of above an hundred languages, and sets of manners, different from those of their masters. Yet this dominion was unshakeable, till the loss of liberty and corruption of manners in the sovereign state overturned it.
But what is the prudent policy inculcated by the remarker to obtain this end, security of dominion over our colonies ? It is, to leave the French in Canada, lo “check” their growth; for otherwise, our people may “ increase infinitely from all cuuses*.” We have already seen in what manner the French and iheir Indians check the growth of our colonies. It is a modest word, this check, for massacring men, women, and children. The writer would, if he could, hide from himself as well as from the public, the horror arising from such a proposal, by couching it in general terms: it is no wonder he thought it a“ subject not fit for discussion” in his letter; though he recommends it as “ a point that should be the constant object of the minister's attention!" But if Canada is restored on this principle, will not Britain be guilty of all the blood to be shed, all the murders to be committed, in order to check this dreaded growth of our own people? Will not this be telling the French in plain terms, that the horrid barbarities they perpetrate with their Indians in our colonists are agreeable to us, and that they need not apprehend the resentment of a government, with whose views they so happily concur? Will not the colonies view it in this light? Will they have reason to consider themselves any longer as subjects and children, when they find their cruel enemies hallooed upon them by the country from whence they sprung; the government that owes them protection, as it requires their obedience? Is not this the most likely means of driving them into the arms of the French, who can invite thein by an offer of that security, their own government chuses not to afford them? I would uot be thought to insinuate, that the remarker wants humanity. I know how little many good-natured persons are affected by the distresses of people at a distance, and whom they do not know. There are even those, who, being present, can sympathize sincerely with the grief of a lady on the sudden death of a favourite bird; and yet can read of the sinking of a city in Syria with very
* Remarks, p. 50, 51.
the growth of our colonies, give me leave to propose a method less cruel. It is a method of which we have an example in scripture. The murder of husbands, of wives, of brothers, sisters and children, whose pleasing society has been for some time enjoyed, affects deeply the respective surviving relations; but grief for the death of a child just born is short, and easily supported. The method I mean is that which was dictated by the Egyptian policy, when the “ infinite increase of the children of Israel was apprehended as dangerous to the state*. Let an act of parliament then be made, enjoining the colony midwives to stifle in the birth
every third or fourth child. By this means you may keep the colonies to their present size. And if they were under the hard alternative of submitting to one or the other of these schemes for checking their growth, I dare answer for them, they would prefer the latter.
But all this debate about the propriety or impropriety of keeping or restoring Canada is possibly too early, We have taken the capital indeed, but the country is yet far from being in our possession; and perhaps never will be: for if our in- rs are persuaded by such counsellors as the remarker, that the French there are $6 not the worst of neighbours," and that if we had conquered Canada, we ought, for our own sakes, to restore it, as a check to the growth of our colonies; I am then afraid we shall never take it. For there are many ways of avoiding the completion of the conquest, that will be less exceptionable and less odious than the giving it up. [7. Canada easily peopled, without draining Great Bri.
* And Pharoah said unto his people, behold the people of the children of Esrael are more and mightier than we; come on, let us deal wisely with them, lest they multiply, and it come to pass, that when there falleth out any war, they join also unto our enemies and fight against us, and so get them up out of the land. And the king spake to the Hebrew midwives, &c. Exodus, chap. 1.
tain of any its inhabitants). The objection I have often heard, thut if we had Capada we could not people it, without draining Britain of its inhabitants, is founded on ignorance of the nature of population in new countries. When we first began to colonize in America, it was necessary to send people, and to send seed-corn; but it is not now necessary that we should furnish, for a new colony, either one or the other. The annual increment alone of our present colonies, without diminishing their numbers, or requiring a man from hence, is sufficient in ten years to fill Ca. pada with double the number of English that it now has of French inhabitants*. Those who are protestants among the French will prabably choose to remain under the English government; many will choose to remove, if they can be allowed to sell their lands, improvements, and effects: the rest in that thin-settled country wil in less than half a century, from the erowds of English settling round and among them, be blended and incorporated with our people both in language
and manners. [S. The merits of Guadaloupe to Great Britain over-valu.
ed; yet likely to be paid much dearer for, than Canada.]
In Guadaloupe the case is somewhat different; and though I am far from thinkingt we have sugar- -land
* In fact, there have not gone from Britain (itself] to our colonies these twenty years past to settle there, so many as ten families a year; the new settlers are either the offspring of the old, or emigrants from Germany, or the north of Ireland. + Remarks, p. 30, 34.
enough, enough*, I cannot think Guadaloupe is so desirable an increase of it, as other objects the enemy would probably be infinitely more ready to part with. A country, fully inhabited by any nation, is no proper possession for another of different languages, manners, and religion. It is hardly ever tenable at less expence than it is worth. But the isle of Cayenne, and its appendix, Equinoctial- France, having but very few inhabitants, and these therefore easily removed, would indeed be an acquisition every way suitable to our situation and desires. This would hold all that migrate from Barbadoes, the Leeward Islands, or Jamaica. It would certainly recal into an English government (in which there would be room for millions) all who have before settled or purchased in Martinico, Guadaloupe, SantaCruz, or St. John's; except such as know not the value of an English government, and such I am sure are not worth recalling
But should we keep Guadaloupe, we are told it would enable us to export 900,0001. in sugars. Admit it to be true, though perhaps the amazing increase of English consumption might stop most of it here,--to whose
profit is this to redound? To the profit of the French inha. bitants of the island: except a small part, that should fall to the share of the English purchasers, but whose whole purchase-money must first be added to the wealth
* It is often said we have plenty of sugar land still unemployed in Jamaica : but those who are well acquainted with that island know, that the remaining vacant land in it is generally situated among mountains, rocks, and gullies, that make carriage impracticable, so that no profitable use can be made of it; unless the price of sugars should so greatly increase, as to enable the planter to pake very expensive roads, by blowing up rocks, crecting bridges, &c. every two or three hundred yards. [Our author was somewhat misinformed here, B. V.),