cut their hair; and razors and scissors were not only recommended, but sometimes produced at the end of a sermon against the sinfulness of long locks and curling moustaches. The dress of the Anglo-Normans was often costly in material, and extravagant in shape. In the illuminations of this period the sleeves of the ladies' robes, and their veils or kerchiefs, appear knotted up, to prevent their trailing on the ground. In the reign of Henry II., however, a more becoming and graceful style of attire made its appearance. The nobles of this period are represented in full and flowing robes of a moderate length, girded with a richly ornamented waistbelt, mantles, fastened by fibulæ on the breast or on the shoulders, chausses or long hose, shoes or boots, caps of various forms, and jewelled gloves. The ladies, also, appear, in the reign of Henry II., to have discarded their long cuffs and trailing skirts, and to have adopted a more rational appearance altogether.

Both the Normans and Saxons were very superstitious. From their northern descent, their ancient traditions, their imperfect Christianity, the habits of a chivalrous life among the great, and the ignorance of the common people, the path of their existence was bestrewn with omens, prodigies, and superstitious observances. The meeting of a hare in their path, or a woman with dishevelled hair, a blind man, a lame man, or a monk, was regarded as the omen of some calamity; but if a wolf happened to cross them, if St. Martin's bird flew from left to right, if they heard distant thunder, or met a deformed or leprous man, it was regarded by them as an omen of good fortune.

It is chiefly, however, in the sports and pastimes of the Anglo-Normans that the spirit of the national character and of that of the times is discerned. Hunting was their favourite pastime, and both ladies and gentlemen joined in it. Hawking, also, was another favourite sport of this period: by the Great Charter every freeman had liberty given him to have in his woods eyries of hawks, spar-hawks, fallows, eagles, and herous. Another of the sports of the time was that of horseracing, though this was practised only on a small scale. But the chief of all the amusements of those ages, and that which was the most characteristic of the chivalric period, was the tournament. This, however, was confined to the nobility and gentry. The peasantry amused themselves with archery, throwing large stones, darting spears, wrestling, running,

leaping, and sword and buckler playing. In large towns, the citizens frequently diverted themselves with boar and bullbaiting; and the game of football, in the reign of Henry II., was very general. The in-door amusements of the period were chiefly contributed by jugglers and buffoons. The AngloNormans were, also, great gamblers: large sums were lost in dice playing, and quarrels frequently followed. Other amusements of this period were bowling, shooting, fowling; and wrestling, and most of the amusements still practised by the peasantry in some parts of the country on the eve of All-Hallows are derived from this period.

CHAPTER IX.

THE PERIOD FROM THE ACCESSION OF HENRY III ΤΟ THE END OF THE REIGN OF RICHARD II.

HENRY III., SURNAMED WINCHESTER.

A.D. 1216. As soon as John was buried, the earl of Pembroke, the marshal of England, marched with the royal army and prince Henry, the deceased king's eldest son, to the city of Gloucester. Henry was only ten years old; but, on the day after their arrival, being the feast of St. Simon and St. Jude, October 28th, he was crowned in the church of St. Peter, by Gualo, the pope's legate. No English bishops were present except those of Winchester, Bath, and Worcester; and no lay nobles save the earls of Chester, Pembroke, and Ferrers, and four barons. Henry, on the day of his coronation, paid homage to the pope for England and Ireland, and engaged to pay the thousand marks a year which his father had promised.

In the following month a great council was held at Bristol, in which the earl of Pembroke was chosen protector, with the title of Rector Regis et Regina. At this council Magna Charta was carefully revised, with the view of satisfying the demands of those barons who adhered to Louis without sacrificing the royal prerogative. The greater number of the barons were on the side of Louis, who not only held London,

and the rich provinces of the south, but was powerful both in the north and the west. Louis, on hearing of the death of John, fancied all opposition would cease. He again pressed the siege of Dover Castle; but he was compelled to raise the siege, and returned to London. Louis, however, found a powerful opponent in the earl of Pembroke. After some partial successes, the French were attacked by him at Lincoln, and were completely defeated. Louis hoped to renew the war with fresh troops; but his fleet was destroyed by a smaller squadron, under the command of Hubert de Burgh, and in September, 1217, he was compelled to leave England; previously stipulating that the English nobles who had joined him should not suffer for their conduct. The regent faithfully observed this agreement; but the pope's legate dispossessed the clergy who had favoured the invaders, and bestowed their benefices upon his own adherents.

Under the wise government of the earl of Pembroke the peace of the country was every day made more secure. A second confirmation of Magna Charta was granted by the young king, and its benefits were extended to Ireland. Several alterations were made in the deed, and a clause was added ordering the demolition of every castle built or rebuilt since the beginning of the war between John and the barons. Other clauses were withdrawn, to form a separate charter, which was called "The Charter of Forests." By this instrument all the forests which had been inclosed since the reign of Henry II. were thrown open; offences in forests were declared to be no longer capital; and men convicted of killing the king's deer were made punishable only by fine or imprisonment. These charters were now brought nearly to the shape in which they have ever since stood.

During his regency, the earl of Pembroke was not only protector to the kingdom, but more than a father to the boyking. He did not, however, long enjoy his dignity: he died in the year 1219, and was succeeded in his office by Hubert de Burgh. The king's person was committed to the care of Peter des Roches, bishop of Winchester. In the next year Henry was again crowned by Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, whom the pope had permitted to return to the kingdom.

Between Hubert de Burgh and Peter des Roches there was a constant rivalry, and plots and conspiracies became frequent; the people, therefore, were not sorry when, in 1223,

In the

the pope sent a mandate, directing that Henry should be permitted to assume the government. Hitherto the barons had refused to deliver up the royal castles, which they pretended to hold in trust till the young king should be of age. course of the year 1224, however, he succeeded in getting possession of most of these disputed castles, some of which were taken by siege and assault. Some of those castles were held by foreigners, who committed frightful excesses in the country; and when they were captured, many of the garrison, knights, and others were hanged. About this time Peter de Roches, who was a Poictevin by birth, gave up the struggle with Hubert de Burgh, under pretence of making a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and many of the foreign adventurers followed him out of England.

In the year 1225, the king's revenue having been greatly diminished by the grants of preceding monarchs, it was found necessary to raise money by direct taxation. A parliament met at Westminster, and granted a fifteenth of all moveable property for this purpose, though on the express condition that the king should ratify the two charters. Henry accordingly gave a third ratification to Magna Charta, together with a ratification of the Charter of Forests, and sent orders to some of his officers, who had hitherto treated them with little respect, to enforce all their provisions. In the grant made to the king there were many exceptions favourable to the nobility, clergy, and gentry. In the following year, however, the clergy were called upon for money by the pope, who demanded and exacted, under threats of excommunication, a tenth part of their possessions, alleging that he was at war with the emperor of Germany.

In the year 1224, Philip, king of France, died, and his death was shortly afterwards followed by that of his son Louis, who had succeeded him in his kingdom. It was said that when Louis was compelled to treat with Pembroke, he promised that nobleman that whenever he should succeed to the French crown he would restore Normandy, Maine, and Anjou. On the death of his father he was called upon to fulfil his engagement; but he not only refused, but marched a powerful army into Poictou, and, partly by force and partly by bribery, obtained possession of Rochelle and other towns, and extended his conquest to the right bank of the Garonne. Henry sent an army under the nominal command of his brother Richard, in the year 1228, to defend the province of

Gascony; and the papal see deemed it expedient to interfere, in order to prevent Louis from obtaining too much advantage over his opponent. By the pope's influence a truce was agreed to for one year; but before this year had expired Louis died, leaving his son, Louis IX., under the guardianship of his mother, Blanche of Castile. Blanche was obnoxious to the French nobility, and a stormy period ensued, which promised no small advantage to any hostile invaders. Encouraged by this aspect of affairs, in 1229, Henry resolved to carry the war into France. Elated by the promises and invitations of the barons of Guienne, Poictou, and Normandy, he set sail for the Continent; and on landing at St. Malo, in Britanny, he was joined by a host of Bretons. Henry advanced to Nantes; but he wasted his time and means in feasts and pageantries, while Louis, accompanied by his mother, took several of his towns. In October Henry returned home, covered with disgrace; and his ally, the duke of Britanny, was compelled to appear at the foot of the throne of Louis with a rope round his neck. The king and some of his favourites endeavoured to throw all the blame of this failure upon the brave Hubert de Burgh; but the people set Henry down as a trifler and a coward. When he applied for money, parliament refused it, and told him that his barons through his extravagance were as poor as himself.

De Burgh enjoyed his power till the year 1232, when envy prevailed against him, and he was doomed to experience the proverbial ingratitude of princes. He had been eight years at the head of affairs; and but for his fidelity and courage, it is probable that Henry would never have worn his crown: many circumstances, however, combined to effect his downfall; the most cogent being that of the envy of the nobles. In the midst of their plots against him, Peter des Roches again reappeared at court; and soon after Henry withdrew his favour and protection from his long-tried friend. De Burgh took refuge in a parish church in Essex, where, with a crucifix in one hand and a host in the other, he stood firmly near the altar, hoping that the sanctity of the place would procure him respect. The king had sent an armed band in pursuit of him, and this band was not deterred by any considerations: they dragged him forth, and sent for a smith to make shackles for him. The poor artisan had more humanity than sir Godfrey de Crancumb, who headed this band: he declared he would rather die the worst of deaths than forge fetters for the brave