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therefore a more steady encouragement to agriculture. The nation would all have bread at this middle price; and that nation, which at anytime inhumanly refuses to relieve the distresses of another nation, deserves no compassion when in distress itself.

Of the Effect 0/ Dearntss of Provisions upon Working, and upon Manufactures.

The common people do not work for pleasure generally, but from necessity. Cheapness of provisions makes them more idle; less work is then done, it is then more in demand proportionally, and of course the price rises. Dcarness of provisions obliges the manufacturer to work more days and more hours; thus more work is done than equals the usual demand i of course it becomes cheaper, and the manufactures in consequence.

Of an Open" Trade.

Perhaps, in general, it would be better if government meddled no farther with trade, than to protect it, and let it take its course. Most of the statutes or acts, edicts, arrets, and placartsof parliaments, princes, and states, for regulating, directing, or restraining of trade, have, we think, been either political blunders, or jobs obtained by artful men for private advantage under pretence of public good. When Colbert assembled some of the wise old merchants of France, and desired their advice and opinion how he could best serve and promote commerce; their an' ■wer, after consultation, was in three words only. — Maissez nous faire; " Let us alone."—It is said by a very solid writer of the same nation, that he is well advanced in the science politics, who knows the full force of thai maxim, Pas trap gouaerner, "not to govern too much;" which, perhaps, would be of more use when applied to trade, than in any other public concern, it were therefore to be wished, that commerce were as free between all the nations of the world as it is between the several counties of Englam

to would all, by mutual communications, obtain more enjoyments. Those counties do not ruin each other by trade, neither would the nations. No nation was ever ruined by trade, even, seemingly, the most disadvantageous.

Wherever desirable superfluities are imported industry is excited, and thereby plenty is produced. Were only necessaries permitted to be purchased, men would work no more than was necessary for hat purpose.'


Qf the Prohibition with respect to tlte Exportation i] Gold and Silver.

Could Spain and Portugal have succeeded in executing their foolish laws for hedging in the cuckoo, as Locke calls it, and have kept at home all their gold and silver, those metals would by this time have been of little more value than so much lead or iron. Their plenty would have lessened their value. We see the folly of these edicts; but are not our own prohibitory and restrictive laws, thatare professedly made with intention to bring a balance in our favour from our trade with foreign nations to be paid in money, and laws to prevent the necessity of exporting that money, which if they could be thoroughly executed, would make money as plenty, and of as little value; I say, are not such laws akin to those Spanish edicts; follies of the same family.

i Of the Returns for Foreign Articlea.

Tn fact, the produce of other countries can hardly be obtained, unless by fraud and rapine, without giving the produce of our land or our industry in exchange for them. If we have mines of gold and sib •er, gold and silver may then be called the produce of our land; if we have not, we can only fairly obtain those metals by giving for them the produce of our land or industry. When we have them, they are then only that produce or industry in another shape; which we may give, if the trade requires it, and out other produce will not suit, in exchange for the produce of some other country that furnishes vhv\ w• have more occasion for, or more desire. Vv nen ,ve have, to an inconvenient degree, parted with our gold and silver, our industry is stimulated afresh to procure more; that by its means we may contrive to procure the same advantages.

0/ Restraints upon Commerce in Time of War.

When princes make war by prohibiting commerce, each may hurt himself as much as his enemy. Traders, who by their business are promoting the common good of mankind, as well as farmers and fishermen, who labour for the subsistence of all, should never be interrupted or molested in their business, but enjoy the protection of all in the time of war, as well as in the lime of peace.

This policy, those we arepleased to call barbarian!), have, in a great measure, adopted: for the trading subjects of any power, with whom t';e Emperor of Morocco may be at war, are not liable to capture, when within sight of his land,going or comu%; and have otherwise free liberty to trade and reside in his dominions.

Asa maritime power, we presume it is not though! right that Great Britain should grant such freedom, except partially, as in the case of war with France, when tobacco is allowed to be sent thither under the sanction of passports.

Exchange in Trade may be gainful to each

In transactions of trade it is not to be supposed that, like gaming, what one party gains the other must necessarily lose. The gain to each may be equal. If A has mere com than he can consume, but wants cattle,- and B has more cattle, but wants corn, exchange is gain to each: hereby the common stock of comforts in life is increased.

Of Paper Credit.

ft is impossible for government to circumwrrIDe or fix the extent of paper credit, which must of course fluctuate. Government may as well pretend to lay down rules for the operations, or the confidence of every individual in the course of his trade. Any seeming temporary evil arising must naturally work its own cure. ,


Attributed to the Pen of Dr. Franklin

Ai.tuocgh the following article has not yet appeal «d in any collection of the works of this .jreat philo sonlicr, we are inclined to receive the general opmion, (from the plainness of the style, and the humour which characterizes it) to be the performance of Dr. FranMin.—

JVly wish is to give you some account of the p3o

{ile of these new Stales, but I am far from being quaificd for the purpose, having as yet seen little more than the cities of New York and Philadelphia. I have discovered but few national singularities among them. Their customs and manners are nearly the same with those of England, which they have long been used to copy. For, previous to the Revolution, the Americans were from their infancy taught to look upto the English as patternsof perfection in all things. I have observed, however, one custom, which, for aught I know, is peculiar to this country; an account of it will serve to fill up the remainder of this sheet, and may afford you some amusement.

When a young couple are about to enter into the matrimonial state, a niver-failmg article in the marriage treaty is, that the lady shall have and enjoy the free and unmolested exercise of the rights of whitewashing, with all its ceremonials, privileges and appurtenances. A young woman would forego the most advantageous connexion, and even disappoint the warmest wish of her heart, rather than resign the invaluable right. You would wonder what this privilege of white-washing is: I will endeavour to give you some idea of the ceremony, as I have seen it performed.

There is no season of the year in which ftr Infh auy not claim het privilege, if she pleases; bit tha


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