revenue thereof will not accomplish: Provided, that seat of the general government-but it is not o the amount to be raised in each year shall not ex. greater force, or more binding upon the states or ceed the sum of ten thousand dollars-and provid-people. ed also, that the object for which the money is intended to be raised shall first be submitted to the president of the United States, and shall be approv. ed by him, under the power given by this act of congress. The corporation of the City of Washington have established lotteries for the purpose of effecting important improvements in the said city, which the ordinary funds, or revenue, thereof will not accomplish, and the object for which the money intended to be raised, by the said lotteries, is to be applied, has been submitted to the president of the United States, and has been approved by him. The power to raise and support armies may, and almost always will, operate more expansively-but legislation over and for the District of Columbia may, in the progress of its consequences, reach as far as legislation for military objects; and when it does so, will be of equivalent efficacy. If congress had deemed it expedient, it might have established this lottery directly, instead of authorizing it by a substitute, and might have afterwards applied the avails (so as to bind the states) to this improvement. of the District. Had it done so, who can doubt but that the tickets might have been sold in each of the United States, and yet where is the difference in between the two cases? Where can be the difference whether congress exercise their power directly themselves, or authorize others to exercise it for We think the state legislatures have no such them? It is still, in either case, their power and power. This is a lottery authorized by congress authority which is acting. It will be admitted by for the purpose of making important improvements every body that it is in the nature of a lottery that in the city which may be styled the national city, the tickets must be sold, and that they must be (as in the improvement of which the nation is concern- they always are) transferable from hand to hand by ed. It is, therefore, a national lottery, and autho-sale, and it results from the interest every citizen rized by a national legislature, and it would be mon- of the United States has in that which is well estabstrous if any state legislature could impede the ex-lished or created for general purposes, under the ecution of a law made for national purposes, rela-authority of congress and within the scope of the tive to a district over which the national legisla- constitution, that he is entitled to avail himself of ture have the exclusive right of legislation. Con- what is so established or created. But, surely, a gress have a right to judge of the proper means of state law which forbids a citizen to sell or buy a improving the seat of government; they have the ticket in a lottery well established under the aupower of raising those means by any law not forbid.thority of the union, within the scope of the constiden by the constitution; and no state legislature can, consistently, either with the letter or spirit of the constitution, interfere with the exercise of this power. It may be conceded that the power of legislation over the district, vested in congress by by the 17th clause of the 8th section and first article of the constitution, is local and territorial, with reference to the sphere of its direct and immediate ac-greatly injured and delayed. It would, indeed, be tion, but this concession leaves the matter of the present enquiry as much at large as it was before, since it is still certain that the power itself is the power of the nation-that the whole union are at once the granters, and, (by their representatives), the depositories of it-the district upon which, or with a view to which, it is executed, is entirely a national district, and that the sovereignty of congress over it was communicated for national ends: But for the above-mentioned clause in the constitution, the territory included within the district of Columbia would be liable to no other legislation by congress than that which it may exercise over the states, with views of general policy; that clause invests congress with complete dominion over the district in addition to, or involving and blended with, the other enumerated or general powers of The power of the union, constitutionally executcongress, which it was intended to assist and for-ed, knows no locality within the boundaries of the tify. union, and can encounter no geographical impediments; its march is through the union, or it is nothing but a name. The states have no existence relatively to the effect of the powers delegated to congress, save only where their assent or instrumentally is required, or permitted, by the constitution itself. In every other case, the effect of constitutional congres Have the legislatures of the individual states pow-the substance of the thing, and in common sense, er, by any law which they can pass, to prohibit the sale of the tickets in the lotteries thus established in the City of Washington? As this dominion flows from the same source with every other power possessed by the government of the union; as it is executed by the same congress; as it was created for the common good and for universal purposes, it is impossible that it should not be of equal obligation throughout the union, in its effects and consequences, with any power whatever known to the constitution. tution, and for national purposes, trespasses on the right of the citizen as far as it goes, interferes with the general purposes for which the lottery is estab. lished, and changes the qualities of the ticket, by impairing that saleable and transferable faculty to which it owes its value, and without which the lottery itself may be wholly defeated, and must be a strange anomaly, if what congress had created, or authorized to be created, in a valid manner, and which entirely derives its capacity of answering the general purposes for which it was so created from its faculty of being sold and transferred, could be considered and treated by a state as the subject of a criminal traffic; or, in other words, if a citizen could be punished by a state for selling or buying that which congress had, for the purpose of being bought and sold, sent or caused to be sent into the market of the union, conformably to, and under the sanction of the constitution, and for a national object. If a lottery ticket has a lawful origin under the constitution of the union, it is a lawful lottery ticket, wherever the power of the union is acknowledged. *This opinion, we understand, was given in reThe government of the United States is a govern-spect to the lottery now drawing-in that which is ment of enumerated powers, all of which are upon about to be drawn, it appears, from the act annexthe same level. The power to raise and supported, that the authority is directly granted, for the purarmies, (with all its dependent powers), may be of pose of making and completing the Washington higher dignity than the power to legislate over the canal. 1 sional legislation is commensurate with united Ame- the said president and directors shall, before the rica, and state legislation in opposition to it is but sale or disposal of any ticket or tickets in said lota shadow; nor is there any danger to be apprehend-teries, give bond to the treasurer of the United ed from allowing to congressional legislation, with States, for the time being, in the penalty of one regard to the District of Columbia, its fullest effect: hundred thousand dollars, conditioned that they congress is responsible to the states and to the peo- will truly and impartially exercise the power and ple for that legislation. It is, in truth, the legisla- authority vested in them by this act, and well and tion of the states and the people over a district truly apply the monies arising from the sale of the placed under their control for their own benefit, tickets, within two months after the drawing not for that of the district, except as the prosperity thereof, to the payment of the prizes drawn by the of the district is involved in and is necessary to the fortunate adventurers in said lotteries, and the negeneral advantage. The states or the people can cessary expenses incurred in the management. only resist the natural effect of such legislation by thereof, and the residue to the completing the canal resisting the exercise of their own sovereignty, in the city of Washington, and rendering the same created upon high inducements of constitutional navigable, and draining the marshes and low policy. grounds contiguous thereto: and provided also, A case of this sort bears no resemblance to that that it shall be lawful for congress hereafter to of one state repelling, within its limits, by penal create by law additional shares in the stock of said sanction, the effect of the laws of any other states, Washington canal company, for the sole use and upon consideration of local expedience, or other-benefit of the corporation of the city of Washington, wise: what, on such occasions, one state may which shares so to be created shall bear the same properly and regularly do with regard to the laws proportion to the whole shares held by said compaof another state, it is not fit to discuss in this place; ny, as the monies raised by the aforesaid lotteries but whatever it may do on such occasions, there is no analogy between those and the present. state that repels the effects of the laws of another state, within its territory, is no party to those laws: it has no direct interest in them-it did not assist in making them, immediately, or deriva. tively, or constructively: It cannot assist in repealing or modifying them. But here the law, is its own law, as being a member of the union, although irrevocable by it, without the concurrence of others. The effect is for its own advantage in the eye of the constitution. It can contribute to revoke the law by its representatives in congress,-and it is Fredericksburg, August 19. At a united meeting bound, by the constitutional grant of power, in vir- of farmers and merchants interested in the protue of which it has been enacted, since it partici-posed alteration of the tariff on importations, at pated in that grant, as in every other grant of pow. the Town Hall, in this place, on the 12th instant, the er to the government of the union. following memorial to congress was presented and Upon the whole, we are of opinion, that the le-read by colonel John Taylor, of Caroline, and unanigislature of no individual state in the union, can, mously adopted by the meeting: constitutionally, prohibit the sale of tickets in the lotteries established in the City of Washington, under the authority of congress. (Signed) and actually applied to the completing of the ca. Anal in the city of Washington and rendering the same navigable, shall bear the monies and interest thereon, which has been or may hereafter be expended by the Washington canal company for the purpose aforesaid. WILLIAM PINKNEY, [Md.] New-York, June 27, 1820. May 6, 1812-Approved, JAMES MADISON, President of the United States. Fredericksburg Memorial. To the senate and house of representatives of the United States, in congress assembled— THE MEMORIAL of the merchants, agriculturists and others, of the town of Fredericksburg and adjacent country, respectfully sheweth: That, being convinced that the protecting duty system has been and would continue to be pernicious to the United States, your memorialists respectfully submit to the consideration of your ho norable body, the following observations in relation Copy of an act to carry into effect an act of the le-to it: gislature of the state of Maryland. Whether a freedom of exchanges or commercial Be it enacted by the senate and house of representa- restrictions will most advance the prosperity of tives of the United States of America in congress as-nations; whether an erroneous policy by one nation, sembled, That the act of the legislature of the state requires an erroneous policy by another; whether of Maryland, entitled "an act to authorise two lotte- economy or avarice suggests the idea of transferries in the city of Washington," passed at the ses-ring capital from many occupations to one; whe sion of the said legislature, in November one thou-ther justice decides that a portion of the labor of sand seven hundred and ninety five, for the pur- the poor, ought to be appropriated by laws to the pose of raising fifty two thousand and five hundred use of the rich; whether the limited powers over dollars, be and the same is hereby declared to be in full force in the district of Columbia: and it shall and may be lawful to carry the same into effect, subject to the alterations, restrictions and provisions hereafter mentioned. persons and property delegated to the federal go vernment, embrace the internal power of regulat. ing the interests of manufacturers and agricultu rists; and whether such a construction of the federal constitution would not include an internal powSec. 2. And be it further enacted, That all the rights, er over all occupations, and subvert all the restric. power and authority given, in and by the before tions designed to establish a division of powers be, recited act, to Daniel Carroll of Duddington, Lewis tween the federal and state governments, are ques Deblois, George Walker, William M. Dewcauson, tions too extensive for the limits of a memorial, but Thos. Law, and James Barry shall hereafter be vest-sufficiently important to be suggested to the wised in, and exercised by the president and directors dom of congress. of the "Washington canal company:" Provided The present tariff was modelled by the mingled and the unskilfulness of both will cause 'mutual sloth, vexation and misfortune; and, by diminishing a resource to meet the expense of consumption, contained in the knowledge and skill of habitual occu pations, diminish also the public prosperity. Legal dislocations of capital, besides producing the losses sustained by driving individuals from one occupation to another, are, moreover, universally the mode resorted to for imposing burdens on a great majority of nations, to foster some exclusive interest. They constitute an eleemosynary system for forcing the poor to give alms to the rich; and in every form are the elements by which free governments are made oppressive. considerations of raising revenue and encouraging manufactures. The revenue it produces goes into the public treasury, and the bounties it bestows into the pockets of capitalist manufacturers. Either as public revenue or private bounties, it is a tax upon the national ability. The congress which imposed the tax, undoubtedly estimated this ability; but since it was imposed, one half of the national ability to pay taxes has been destroyed by the doubled value of money, and a reduction to the same amount in the value of products and property; therefore the burden of taxation has been doubled by circumstances without the agency of legislation, and if one half of the duties were taken off, it would require the profits of as much capital to pay The mercantile, naval and agricultural occupathe other half as sufficed to pay the whole when tions, are all discouraged by restrictions upon com. the duties were inflicted. One effect of this dimi. merce, and must dwindle or flourish in conjunction. nution in the ability to pay, must be a diminution The agricultural supplies the basis of commerce; of revenue; because if the whole duty is continued, the mercantile imports the commodities which init will compel the payers to retrench their consump-crease the value of those for exportation; and both tions; and the value of the bounties bestowed upon supply the freights and the wages which nur manufacturers, being doubled by the doubled value ture the naval occupation, rear seamen, and provide of money, they would, under the present tariff, re- the means for maritime defence. In the united ceive a pecuniary encouragement worth twice as prosperity of these occupations consists national much as that which was originally bestowed. If, prosperity itself; and their free efforts are an ample therefore, one half of the duties imposed by the equivalent for the expense of consumption. existing tariff were taken off, the other half would | Re-exportations ought not to be forgotten. They constitute the same real burden upon the nation, extend commerce, increase seamen and shipping, and the same real bounty to manufacturers, intend- and produce a mercantile profit. Single towns have ed to be established by the representatives of the often acquired oppulence by being depots of fopeople. reign manufactures; and the more prosperous this To this eventual augmentation of taxation, with-branch of commerce is, the more the capital of eveout the concurrence of congress, the public distress ry community is augmented. Mercantile intelliis owing in a great degree; and the question is, gence, profiting by commercial fluctuations and whether the evils inflicted by unforeseen circum-circumstances, frequently derives profit from cir stances, ought to be alleviated or increased by the the representatives of the United States. In fact, whether the bounty to manufacturers ought to be quadrupled by law, because it has been doubled without law. cuitous exchanges, and sometimes can undersell the fabricators themselves. It is insufficient to urge, that prohibitory or protecting duties will not destroy this branch of our commerce, because they are not paid on re-exported commodities. The fact The protecting duty system, in its existing de- is, that no considerable surplus of these commodigree, has been already felt by the people and by ties are ever imported, except from the inducethe treasury. But diminishing the importation of ment of a double market; that they are invited by commodities, it has already chilled commerce, and a freedom of trade, and repelled by local restricreduced the prices of our native productions. Com-tions; and that the freer the port, the more extenmodities are a universal currency; their plenty or sive and profitable this branch of commerce will scarcity will, therefore, have the same influence become. upon prices, as the plenty or scarcity of money, An A free commerce is like a free government. enhancement of home commodities, by the abun- Either, isolated amongst commercial restrictions or dance of foreign commodities or currency brought political oppressions, flourishes beyond its neighto purchase them, is both a reimbursement for the bors by forbearing to imitate their errors. The consumption of these foreign commodities, and Hanse Towns at one period almost absorbed the also furnishes a fund for revenue; whereas the ex-trade and wealth of Europe, because commerce was pulsion of this currency diminishes the price of every where else subjected to prohibitions and rehome commodities, deprives the people of many strictions. enjoyments arising from consumption, and lessens the means for the payment of taxes, From all these sources of national wealth, the protecting duty system makes deductions which The enjoyments of consumption are the food of fall chiefly upon the poor, because the coarse and industry: diminish them, and it flags; leave them necessary articles of domestic manufacture, are free, and it is invigorated; and this invigoration is consumed principally by them. But it is said that a resource so ample for meeting the expense of an the tax thus inflicted upon the poor of all other increased consumption, that every nation possess- occupations, goes to the relief of poor manufactuing it will have the advantage in commercial com-rers. The fact would not be a justification of the petitions over those which do not. In struggles for policy; but even that is denied. The price of la wealth, industry will gain the victory; and a relaxa. bor is regulated by circumstances which bounties tion of its sinews, is like carrying on a war without cannot control. If a bounty was given to seamen ammunition. navigating mercantile vessels, their employers True economy consists in a free employment of would compute the bounty as a portion of the watheir own capital by occupations, as the best mode ges, and continue to regulate them by a compariof making it productive; false economy, in legisla-son with the price of labor in other occupations. tive coercions of capital into other channels, because In like manner, a bounty to the workmen or naviit cannot be employed with the same skill in new, as in habitual occupations. Drive a merchant to the plough, or a ploughman to the counting house, gators of manufactories, must settle in the pockets of their employers, even if it was paid to the workmen themselves; but when it is attached to the goods sold by their employers, the chance of the workmen to receive any portion of it is so very feeble, that no symptom of such an effect has ever been observed in England. And thus the protect ing duty system imposes a tax upon the poor of all other occupations, which will be received by the rich of the manufacturing occupation. the general distress,-another dose of the drug which has produced such consummations is proposed. Might it not be wiser to give a short trial to the rival policy, by repealing the present tarifi, imposing duties exclusively with an eye to revenue, and re-establishing the freedom of commerce, than to persevere any longer? If one half the duties were taken off, it is probable that the revenue would not be diminished, as consumable capital might be doubled, and an increase of value by an increase of currency brought to purchase our commodities, might recover and establish the fact, that the greater are our comforts and enjoyments, the It has been supposed that in a home trade bes tween manufacturers and agriculturists, two capitals are retained; whereas one is exported by the purchase of foreign manufactures. But the truth of this idea is also denied. No capital is lost by the purchase of foreign manufactures; it is only exchanged, and both parties may profit by the ex-easier we can pay our taxes. change. Without exchanges, consumable capital We think it a question between the nourishment can never be increased; but it must be diminished of a monopoly by a tax to enrich the rich and the for the same reasons that an individual, who should nourishment of all useful occupations, by equal only use what he fabricates, would possess less con- laws; in which a very few individuals occupy one sumable capital, than if he avails himself of benefi- interest, and all the rest of the community, with cial exchanges. Exchanges consist of consumable the government itself, another; and, therefore, we articles. If consumption destroys what we receive, respectfully submit these remarks to the wisdom of it destroys also what we pay. No permanent capi- congress, with a conviction that the subject will retal is produced either by commerce or manufac-ceive the attention which its importance requires, tures, except by causing an improvement of land and that the distresses under which we are laboring and buildings. Neither commerce nor manufac-will not be aggravated. Claim of R. W. Meade, ON THE GOVERNMENT OF SPAIN. FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER. opportunity of publishing the following documents, turing can create and embalm a capital against con- And your memorialists, as in duty bound, will sumption. Wealth, in consumable capital, is con-ever pray, &c. stituted by the plenty of commodities; poverty, by their scarcity. Both merchants and capitalists offer to supply the community with consumable capital. Which is best, a small annual consumable capital or a large one? The large one can feed all our wants, encourage industry in all its branches, enhance all The case of Mr. Meade having been made the our commodities, and spare annually a surplus to subject of interposition by the congress of the Unitmeet the expenses of government. The small con-ed States, we are obliged to a correspondent for the sumable capital can feed but a few of our wants, discourages industry in all its branches but one, depreciates all our commodities, and can spare nothing for government. By supposing that the little consumable capital could utterly exclude the great one, and contemplating the protecting duty policy in its utmost success, exactly as we have felt it occasionally in the cases of wars and embargoes, we may calculate its gradations. A large consumable A statement, in due form, of your claims against capital is so essentially connected with national this government, and the damages you have suswealth, that governments, wherever it exists, may tained in consequence thereof, was transmitted to afford to be extravagant: but wherever the small this department of finance by the minister of state, one only exists, which manufactures without com-accompanied by a royal order, dated the 26th June, merce can produce, they must be frugal. The dif- last year; which statement had been received from, ference lies between making a mercantile profit by and supported by, the minister of the United States foreign exchanges, and making no such profit. A of America resident at this court. frugal government, united with a free commerce, His majesty named a special junta of counsellors, by leaving to the nation that portion of consuma- to take cognizance of the liquidation of all the creble capital, which oppressive governments take dits which you might present, or be able to sub. from it to pamper exclusive privileges, would pro-stantiate, and of the claims which you should make. bably pursue the most effectual policy for advanc- The junta gave in their award, and consulted his ing the wealth, comfort and happiness of the peo- majesty on the subject, who having been pleased ple. A great annual consumable capital is so uni- to approve thereof and adopt the same, the said versally agreed to be among the good things of this junta has extended, in legal form, a certificate of world, that it is the very thing which all exclusive the entire credit due to you by the nation; the sum interests are in pursuit of. The protecting duty of which amounts to Rv. 9823 072 11 mrs. or system proposes to deprive the community of a $491,153 62 cents, in the terms, and for the reagreat mass of this species of wealth, the only kind sons therein specified; which document, with his really valuable to man, and to give in return a sup- majesty's approbation thereunto annexed, and cerply of the same species, of an inferior amount, sad-tified by me, I herewith transmit to you by his roydled with a tax for the benefit of a few rich men,al order, for your security and for whatever other and attended with a necessity of resorting to some purpose or object conducive to your interest. new mode of taxation for the support of govern- God preserve your life many years. Given at the royal palace in Madrid, the 21st of May, 1820. CANGA ARGUILLEZ. ment. It has been fairly tried, by a gradual progress for thirty years; and having increased public expenses, exhausted the treasury in time of peace, contributed to a ruinous reduction in the prices of our commodities, and caused, in no small degree, Sen. don Ricardo Meade. Extracts from the award of the special commission or junta, named by his Catholic majesty, to take cog. nizance and form a liquidation of the claims of Richard W. Meade. |their property, invested in provisions. These persons will, in all probability, have drawn for the The comRussion named by royal order, of the same at certain periods, as is the practice in com7th of May of the present year, for the liquidation merce, and Mr. Meade, in order to meet these payof the credits and reclamations of the citizen of the ments, (the government failing to pay him, and United States, Mr. Richard W. Meade, as soon as upon which payments he would naturally have it installed itself, collected together all the docu- counted, in order to be enabled to satisfy his prinments which it possibly could relative to its object, cipals,) must necessarily have been compelled to and examined them with that scrupulous attention seek money on interest, suffering this loss and which the confidence it had merited from his majes- others, which must have increased in proportion ty exacted. Fully penetrated with the nature of as the payments due to him were retarded. It is the request made of his majesty, by Mr. Meade, on this principle of justice, that Mr. Meade claims and to which he had been pleased to accede, by a remuneration for the many losses which he exthe aforesaid royal decree, it could not do less than perienced on this account. He performed a most first of all fix upon the character and faculties signal service to the nation. He experienced posiwhich appertained to the commission itself; and it tive and known injuries, the royal department of felt persuaded that its individuals could not be con- finance having failed to pay him at the periods sidered as judges to decide in law, because on that stipulated; and if the junta, convinced that he ought principle the reclamation would not have been to receive considerable sums on this account, does taken out of the tribunals; it, therefore, believed not fix the amount, it cannot do less than recomthat its duties were those of referee judges, and mend to the equity and justice of his majesty, the friendly arbitrators, as they are styled by the laws, payment of two-thirds, one half, or whatever other and that, searching for the truth with that good | proportion his majesty may be pleased to grant, of faith so peculiarly appropriate to the sovereign the amount claimed: Mr. Meade having fully estabwho named them, they should settle the business lished, by his expositions, and by the very docuin a friendly manner, and upon these simple princi-ments remitted by the department of finance, the ples should arbitrate the rights of Mr. Meade and measures which he was obliged to adopt, and the those of the government. As the major part of the great injuries which he suffered in his business, havtransactions submitted to their examination were ing been obliged to make enormous sacrifices to mercantile operations which had taken place under support his credit. solemn contracts and engagements, this was a fur- If, in the foregoing reclamations, the junta conther motive why they viewed, discussed, and decid-siders in equity certain sums due to Mr. Meade, as ed on the reclamation in a mercantile manner, proposed in the 12th reclamation, it conceives the and on the principles before stated of ascertaining same as due equally in rigorous justice. the truth, and being governed by good faith; con- The junta is of opinion that it ought to lay aside sequently, every thing that was opposed to these every thing relative to the suit carried on in the principles, they laid aside as indecorous to the dig- council of war, and confine itself to the documents nity of a just monarch, in whom justice shines as received from the department of finance, and the one of his brightest ornaments. If the junta should royal orders no. 5, the former of which gives a corhave acted erroneously, it hopes that its conduct rect and just idea, and a positive proof of the errowill be viewed with indulgence, when it is taken neous motive for having decreed the imprisonment into consideration that its only motive was, that of Mr. Meade, which was to avoid acknowledging a the unalterable rectitude of his majesty should be debt of his majesty's, certain, legitimate, and fully made to appear with its due splendor. The junta authenticated; thus sealing by this sentence, the heard Mr. Meade, as it was commanded, and he discredit and dishonor of his majesty himself, who presented to it an exposition which is hereunto an-has declared the imprisonment illegal which Mr. nexed, marked no. 1, as also a statement of his re- Meade suffered for the space of two years, and with elamations, no. 2. which his credit disappeared, he having abandoned When the junta takes into consideration the his correspondence, and lost his mercantile repuenormous amount furnished by Mr. Meade, in pro-tation-suffering besides the loss of his liberty.--visions, to the central junta and government pos- What compensation could be sufficient for injuries terior thereto, in those moments when they seem- of so great a magnitude? The justice and piety of ed as if about to disappear, thus identifying his your majesty cannot but be deeply interested in reown ruin with that of a nation to which he did not pairing the evils of which Mr. Meade has been the belong, it cannot do less, in common justice, than ad- victim, in consequence of the laws having been mire and be surprised at such liberal and generous trampled upon, he having suffered in direct oppoconduct, and at the same time deeply regret that sition to them. The junta, in giving their opinion his only recompense has been that of being involved on this point, always guided by principles of truth, in difficulties and finally ruined: not by the armies considers, taking into view the oppulence and exof the usurper, but by those very persons who, pro- tensive commercial relation of the house of Mr. fitting of the benefits obtained through these very Meade, that he ought to be credited, if not the resources, the means of resisting the invasion, and whole, at least the three-fourths part of the one of restoring his majesty to the throne of his an- hundred thousand dollars which he claims for da cestors. mages. The junta has examined the multitude of con. A single glance at all and each of Mr. Meade's tracts made with the royal department of finance, contracts with the government, proves the disinteand has remained convinced of the exact and reli- restedness of his proceedings, and the enthusiasm gious compliance with all of them, on the part of which animated him in favor of our just cause, in Mr. Meade, and of the delays, difficulties, and re- which he co-operated so efficaciously, and this in peated orders for payment on that of the govern-moments of the greatest distress, and in those critiment. Th enormous mass of millions which they cal circumstances when the army was perishing.-amount to clearly shews that the capital invested The sundry documents presented by him, which could not belong to Mr. Meade alone, but to many are annexed, to the number of seven, prove the other persons, capitalists, who placed in his hands high character and opinion which he enjoyed,— |