The colonists did not confine their views and exertions to the establishment of primary schools; they also founded and endowed colleges and universities, for the education of those, who were disposed to become acquainted with the higher branches of science, or wished to qualify themselves for the learned professions; and for the foundation and support of these, the clergy contributed not only their talents, but their wealth. Massachusetts led the way, in the establisment of American colleges. Harvard was founded in 1638, and seven more were, also, established, in the several colonies, prior to their complete separation from Great Britain: William and Mary in Virginia, in 1693, Yale, Connecticut, in 1701, Princeton, New Jersey, in 1738, King's now Columbia, New York, in 1754, Providence, Rhode Island, in 1764, Dartmouth, New Hampshire, in 1770, and Hampden and Sidney, Virginia, in 1774.

Though the advantages in these seminaries were not equal to those, in older institutions of the same kind in Europe, yet here were educated most of those Americans, who have been distinguished not only as divines, lawyers, and physicians, but as statesmen and warriors. Here they became better acquainted with their rights, as well as more capable of asserting and defending them. Many of the brave officers who deserved so much of their country, in the war of the revolution, went directly from the college to the field, and most of the American State papers, during that trying period; papers, which have been the theme of just eulogy in Europe, as well as in this country, were from the pens of those, who received their education in these seminaries.

The political, civil, and literary institutions, which we have thus briefly and imperfectly noticed, established principally by the colonists themselves, partook not a little, as the reader must have observed, of the character of their authors; a character, as has been often remarked, peculiar to the settlers in the new world, and in many respects different from that of the great mass of the people in Europe. Great Britain herself, at the the commencement of the revolution, was ignorant of the character of her nu

merous subjects in America; and indeed, the American character, even at this day, is not perfectly understood in Europe. The difference in the circumstances and condition of the great mass of the inhabitants of the new and the old world, seems to have been overlooked, by most of the Europeans. It could not have escaped, one would suppose, the attention of the most superficial observer, that no ordinary motives, no common energy of mind, could have induced the first settlers of America, to leave their native homes, for a wilderness; much less to encounter the dangers to which they were exposed; and to endure the hardships necessarily incident to their new situation. Though the motives and views of those who settled in the different colonies, were different, yet their situation, in their new places of abode, being, in many respects, similar, naturally produced in all, an energy of character, and a spirit of independence, unknown, in the great mass of the people they had left in Europe. In most of the colonies, the inhabitants held their lands in fee simple, free from rents. Feudal tenures were unknown in America. Every man was a freeholder, and his freehold was at his own disposal. Attached to the farm on which he lived, and from which he supported himself and his family, he had every inducement to secure and defend it. This independent situation was immediately felt, by the first emigrants to North America. Alluding to this situation, so different from that of many he had left in England, one of the first settlers in Plymouth, in a letter to his friend there, observes, "We are all freeholders, and the rent day does not trouble us."*

This independent condition of the colonists, with respect to the tenure of their lands, combined with that equality which existed among them, arising from an equal distribution of property, a general diffusion of knowledge, and a share which all had in the government, naturally produced a love of liberty, an independence of character, and a jealousy of power, which ultimately led, under divine Providence, to that revolution, which placed them among the nations of the earth.

CHAPTER VI.

Peace of 1768-An important event to the Colonies-Excites great joy in AmericaNavigation Acts enforced by writs of assistance-Opposed in MassachusettsStamp Duties proposed in Parliament-Opposed in the Colonies as a violation of their rights-Petitions and resolutions against them-Petitions rejected-Stamp Act passed-Excites great alarm in the Colonies--Resolutions of the Virginia House of Burgesses against it-Meeting of a Congress of the Colonies in 1765Declaration of rights and petitions of this Congress in opposition to the Stamp Act-Resolutions of Colonial Assemblies and associations of individuals-Disturbances at Boston-Act not suffered to be executed-New Ministry-American papers laid before Parliament-Resolutions of Conway declaratory of the right of Parliament to bind the Colonies in all cases-Debate upon them-Passed by a large majority-Examination of Dr. Franklin and others in the House of CommonsStamp Act repealed-Speeches of Lord Chatham and Lord Grenville on the question of the repeal.

THE peace of 1763, which secured to Great Britain all the country east of the Mississippi, and annihilated the French power in North America, constitutes a new and important era in the annals of the colonies.

The colonists were now freed from a deadly enemy along their extensive western frontier; an enemy from whom, in conjunction with their Indian allies, they had, for nearly a century, been subjected to pillage, devastation, and murder. This event produced great joy among the colonists; and was accompanied with feelings of gratitude towards the parent country, and loyalty towards the young prince, under whose reign it was accomplished. These feelings would have continued, but for new encroachments on their rights; and a course of policy soon after adopted by the British ministry towards the colonies; a policy which finally led to a separation of the two countries, and produced a revolution, which, whether viewed in its immediate or more remote consequences, has been unequalled in the history of modern times.

The precise limits of royal and parliamentary authority over the colonies had never yet been settled.

The acts restraining the trade and manufactures of the colonies, as well as other acts of parliament, to which we have alluded, were deemed, by the colonists, in some instances, a violation of their rights, and in others, an unnecessary and improper sacrifice of their interest, to the supposed interest of the parent country, or some other more favored part of the British empire; and had been little regarded by them. A distinction had been made, between what were called external and internal taxes, and which, whether just or not, had been acquiesced in. The former were considered as imposed, for the regulation of the trade of the empire, and not for the purpose of revenue.

Plans of laying internal taxes and of drawing a revenue from the colonies, had been, at times, suggested to the ministry, and particularly to Sir Robert Walpole and Mr. Pitt, during their administrations. These statesmen were too wise and sagacious to adopt them. "I will leave the taxation of the Americans," Walpole answered, "for some of my successors, who may have more courage than I have, and less a friend to commerce than I am. It has been a maxim with me," he added, "during my administration, to encourage the trade of the American colonies, to the utmost latitude; nay, it has been necessary, to pass over some irregularities in their trade with Europe; for by encouraging them to an extensive growing foreign commerce, if they gain £500,000, I am convinced that in two years afterwards, full £250,000 of this gain will be in his majesty's exchequer, by the labor and product of this kingdom, as immense quantities of every kind of our manufactures go thither; and as they increase in the foreign American trade, more of our produce will be wanted. This is taxing them more agreeably to their own constitution and laws.""*

Pitt, in his celebrated speech on the repeal of the stamp act, referring to the conduct of several preceding administrations, says, "none of these thought, or ever dreamed of robbing the colonies of their constitutional rights. That was reserved to mark the era of the late administration: not that there were

* Bissett's History, vol. 1, p, 227, and Botta, vol. 1, p. 52.

wanting some, when I had the honor to serve his majesty, to propose to me to burn my fingers with an American stamp act. With the enemy at their back, with our bayonets at their breasts, in the day of their distress, perhaps the Americans would have submitted to the imposition; but it would have been taking an ungenerous and unjust advantage."

Whatever might have been the views or wishes of any individual of the British cabinet, at any period, relative to drawing a revenue directly from the colonies, no one had been bold enough to make the attempt, until after the reduction of the French power in America. This was deemed a favorable moment, to call upon the Americans for taxes, to assist in the payment of a debt, incurred, as was alleged, in a great measure, for their protection against a powerful enemy, now no longer an object of their dread.

A British statesman should have reflected, that, if the Americans were relieved from a dread of their ancient enemy, they no longer required the protection of the parent country, against that enemy; and that the strongest hold on their dependence was gone, when Canada was gained.* The views of the British cabinet were not limited to internal taxes, but extended to a more rigid execution of the navigation acts, and acts regulating the trade of the colonies, and to a new modification of their governments, particularly the charter governments, rendering them more dependent on the crown.

In 1760, orders were sent to the American custom house officers, and particularly to those of Massachusetts, to take more effectual measures for enforcing the acts of trade, especially the act imposing duties on foreign sugar and molasses; and they were directed, if necessary, to apply to the superior court, of the

* Governor Hutchinson, in a letter to Lord Dartmouth, Dec. 14, 1773, says, "Before the peace, I thought nothing so much to be desired as the cession of Canada.” "I am now convinced, that if it had remained to the French, none of this spirit of opposition to the mother country would have appeared, and I think the effects of it are worse than all we had to fear from the French and Indians."-Almon's Remembrance, for 1776, p. 62.