The final verdict of history upon the embargo policy has been one of unqualified condemnation; but in justice to Mr. Jefferson, it should be said that the evidence against the system in 1807 was by no means conclusive. In fact, embargo found favor in many respectable quarters at that time. Jefferson was not the only public man who was disappointed at the outcome. He was, however, one of the last to admit failure, and to favor a new order of things. This was due in a large measure to Jefferson's conception of his own infallibility. He was modest and retiring in many ways, but had the utmost confidence in his own ability and judgment. He had opinions on every possible subject of human concern and defended them vigorously and with complacency. In the defence of these opinions he never once doubted his own infallibility. This peculiar characteristic explains in a large measure his obstinacy in regard to the embargo and other measures.

In

One other matter of some importance remains to be noted in connection with foreign affairs. The boundary between Louisiana and Florida yet remained unsettled. The Spaniards took umbrage at the American purchase, and seemed determined for a time to make trouble. this they were seconded by the French. Owing to the crisis in Europe, Jefferson thought this an opportune time to settle the boundary matter once for all. In a confidential message to Congress, under date of December 6, 1805, he intimated that it would be well to purchase enough territory from the Spaniards to remove all doubt in regard to the boundary. His suggestion was characteristically Jeffersonian. It avoided even the appearance of dictation. After setting forth the desirability of settling the boundary dispute, he continued: "But the course to be pursued will require the command of means which it belongs to Congress exclusively to yield or to deny. To their

wisdom then I look for the course I am to take, and will pursue with sincere zest that which they shall approve." This, by the way, was Jefferson's method of managing

A sug

Congress. It was a most successful method, too. gestion being made, some faithful supporter of the administration introduces a measure to make the suggestion effective. So it was in this case. It was immediately proposed to appropriate a sum of money for the purchase of Florida, as had been done in the case of Louisiana. The proposition is of additional interest because it marks the defection of John Randolph, of Roanoke. Randolph had been the loyal henchman of Jefferson and spokesman for the administration on the floor of the House. The eccentric and brilliant leader was expected to favor any measure endorsed by the President. In this case, however, he came out violently in opposition. He made a most bitter attack upon Jefferson's policies, and even went so far as to question his integrity. The attack came like thunder from a clear sky. Jefferson was surprised, but not seriously disconcerted. There was uneasiness in the Republican ranks, but no stampede. Only eleven of the Republicans voted with Randolph against the administration. The remaining eighty-seven remained loyal to the President, and an appropriation of $2,000,000 was voted to purchase Florida or a part of it. The consummation of the matter belongs to the history of a later period, as the purchase was not actually made until 1819.

CHAPTER XX

DOMESTIC AFFAIRS

ALTHOUGH the chief interest in Jefferson's second administration centres in foreign affairs, there are some important domestic events which must be noted. The most dramatic and sensational of these was the so-called conspiracy of Aaron Burr. After Burr's duel with Hamilton his political career seemed at an end. His business affairs were also, at this time, in an unsatisfactory condition. In these straits Burr decided to seek a new field of endeavor. His plan of action—in so far as he had any very definite one-has never been disclosed although it is supposed by some to have involved the conquest of Mexico and the Spanish possessions. To carry out this plan, whatever it may have been, Burr went west in 1805, and was cordially received by General Wilkinson of the United States army, and by Andrew Jackson, then a young lawyer of Nashville, who had sympathy with any man who contemplated the overthrow of Spanish rule. Burr's plans were essentially those of an opportunist. He set forth various schemes involving settlement and conquest, endeavoring to adjust his project to the sentiments of the individual with whom he was conversing.

In December, 1806, Burr got together a party of men at Blennerhasset's Island in Ohio River, and started down stream. Burr's motives were suspected, and unavailing attempts were made by local authorities to check his

progress, and in January, 1807, he appeared in the lower Mississippi with about one hundred men. At this place he learned that his designs had become known to the President, and that Jefferson had issued a proclamation looking to his capture. Upon receipt of this intelligence he left his men, was arrested, and soon after placed on trial at Richmond.

In a proclamation, issued November 27, 1806, the President declared that "sundry persons" were preparing "a military expedition or enterprise against the dominions of Spain," and were "deceiving and seducing honest and wellmeaning citizens, under various pretences, to engage in their criminal enterprises." He therefore warned "all faithful citizens . . . to withdraw from the same without delay," and commanded "all persons whatsoever, engaged or concerned in the same to cease all further proceedings therein as they will answer the contrary at their peril, and incur prosecution with all the rigors of law." He called upon all officers of the law and "all good and faithful citizens" to do their utmost to bring "to condign punishment all persons, engaged or concerned in such enterprise . .

On December 5th, following, Jefferson wrote to Cæsar A. Rodney: "The designs of our Catiline are as real as they are romantic, but the parallel he has selected from history for the model of his own course, corresponds but by halves. It is true in its principal character, but the materials to be employed are totally different from the scourings of Rome. I am confident that he will be completely deserted on the appearance of the proclamation, because his strength was to consist of people who had been persuaded that the government connived at the enterprise." On the 20th of December, 1806, Jefferson directed a letter in regard to the conspiracy to William Charles Cole Claiborne, Governor of Louisiana. In speaking of the purpose of Burr, he said: "His object is to take possession of New Orleans, as a station from whence to make an expedition against Vera Cruz and Mexico. . . He has been able to decoy a great proportion of his people by making them believe the

government secretly approves of this expedition against the Spanish Territories." On the 11th of January, 1807, Jefferson wrote an extraordinary letter to Rev. Charles Clay in which he stated that Burr's project included a detachment of the western territory from the Union. "Burr's enterprise," said he, "is the most extraordinary since the days of Don Quixote. It is so extravagant that those who know his understanding would not believe it, if the proofs admitted doubt. He has meant to place himself on the throne of Montezuma, and extend his empire to the Alleghanies, seizing on New Orleans as the instrument of compulsion for our Western States." It should be said, however, that Jefferson's knowledge of the conspiracy was neither complete nor accurate. Much of his information was received through General Wilkinson of the United States army, an unscrupulous, traitorous, and mendacious man who had betrayed the small confidence Burr had reposed in him, and added lies to give his confessions importance.

In a letter of April 20, 1807, to Senator William B. Giles, of Virginia, Jefferson complained of the strictures passed by the Federalists upon his course, relative to Burr. "The first ground of complaint," he writes, "was the supine inattention of the administration to a treason stalking through the land in open day. The present one, that they have crushed it before it was ripe for execution, so that no overt acts can be produced." Jefferson's opinion of Burr is interesting in this connection. In this same letter to Giles, he says: "Against Burr, personally, I never had one hostile sentiment. I never indeed thought him an honest, frank-dealing man, but considered him as a crooked gun, or other perverted machine, whose aim or stroke you could never be sure of." In the spring of 1807, rumors that Burr was intriguing with foreign nations to further his schemes came to the ears of the President. On May 1st, he wrote to Madison from Monticello: "The proposition for separating the western country, mentioned by Armstrong to have been made at Paris, is important. But what is the