the thought that the new administration, although vicious in principle, would at least be inexpensive. Jefferson would certainly be content with one-half of the regular presidential salary. The salary of $25,000 per year was entirely too high, so Jefferson thought, when John Adams was in the chair; and certainly the philosophical exponent of Republican simplicity could maintain himself on $12,500. As to Mr. Burr, he, too, if true to his democratic professions, should be content with a modest stipend. The Federalists, then, were very confident that a policy of retrenchment would be inaugurated. The coming of Jefferson was not hailed with delight by the conservative element in the United States. The British sympathizers, the advocates of centralization, and the New England clergymen shook their heads dubiously. They considered Jefferson a dangerous man from their various points of view. He was looked upon as a liberal in religion, philosophy, and politics, and hence not a safe leader. Jefferson did have very liberal and even radical views, but no serious damage resulted from them. He did not, and could not, make such sweeping changes as had been apprehended. Responsibility makes men conservative, and Jefferson was no exception to the rule. As a matter of fact, Jefferson in many instances appeared to be radical, simply because he was in advance of his contemporaries. He had the scientific spirit which they, for the most part, did not have. He read European books and was in correspondence with many of the leading men of the world. He was cosmopolitan to a large degree and kept abreast of the best current thought. He was progressive and experimented in agriculture and other sciences. For these reasons he seemed more radical than he would have appeared in a more progressive period. His religious principles were made the object of furious attacks, and yet he was not far removed from the unitarianism which has given us William Ellery Channing, Edward Everett Hale, and James Freeman Clarke. In some respects Jefferson was an enigma. He was the most adroit and successful political leader in our history, and yet he lacked many of those characteristics commonly considered indispensable to such leadership. His appearance was not impressive, he was diffident and retiring in temperament, his voice was not commanding like Webster's or persuasive like Clay's, and on the whole, he was an exceedingly poor public speaker. He was, however, honest in the main, although tricky at times. His influence over Congress and those public men with whom he came in contact was wonderful. He dominated the government and the country without appearing to dominate at all. His easy and careless manner had nothing autocratic about it, yet men eagerly laid hold on his suggestions and accomplished the end which he had in view. In this respect he was the opposite of his predecessor in office. Adams sought to force, to drive, to compel, and as a result, aroused antagonism. Jefferson accomplished his purpose without any show of force. Adams had little faith in the ability of the masses to govern; Jefferson had too much. In fact, this was one of his weak points-his overconfidence in human. nature. Like Grant, he was slow to believe that his friends and followers could be guilty of any wrongdoing. He shielded men whom he should have repudiated. He was vain and too easily imposed upon by those who flattered his vanity. And again, although he had unbounded confidence in his own abilities he was not vigorous and positive enough to make a good administrator. His first administration was a decided success, but his lack of administrative qualities was painfully apparent in the second. Jefferson's personal appearance at the time of his first administration was described by Augustus Foster, secretary of the British legation, in the London Quarterly Review, in 1841. Mr. Foster says: "He was a tall man, with a very red freckled face, and gray neglected hair; his manners good-natured, frank and rather friendly, although he had somewhat of a cynical expression of countenance. He wore a blue coat, a thick gray-colored hairy waistcoat, with a red underwaistcoat lapped over it, green velveteen breeches with pearl buttons, yarn stockings, and slippers down at the heels,—his appearance being very much like that of a tall, large-boned farmer." The inauguration was not an impressive spectacle. Jefferson was the first president to be inaugurated at the new capital and the ceremonies were simple both from necessity and choice. Washington was not Philadelphia, and Republican simplicity could not tolerate useless display. John Davis, an Englishman, who said that he was present at the inauguration (but he was not) tells us that Jefferson rode on horseback and alone to the capitol, and after tying his horse to the fence went into the Senate Chamber to take the oath of office. As a matter of fact, Jefferson walked to the capitol, not alone, but accompanied by several friends. At the inaugural ceremonies John Marshall, the chief justice and last remaining custodian of Federalism and nationality, sat on one side of the President, and Burr, the vice-President, on the other. It would be difficult to find three men more unlike. Marshall and Jefferson were similar only in being able and honest men. Burr, too, was not without ability; but no man lacking in moral stamina, as Burr certainly was, has ever attained to a high place in American history. He deceived himself, but no one else, when he remarked that "Great souls care little for small morals." Burr represented a new and a dangerous element in American politics. Of course the most important part of the ceremonies was the inaugural address. It was looked forward to with eager expectation. It was regarded not only as the utterance of a great man, but as the platform of a party which was being intrusted, for the first time, with the management of national affairs. The dominant note of the address was one of conciliation. The President was magnanimous in his hour of triumph, almost to a ridiculous extent. He insisted that the will of the majority must prevail, but that the rights of the minority should be protected. "Let us, then, fellow citizens," he said, "unite with one heart and |