1697. SPEECH IN THE CONVENTION,

AT THE CONCLUSION OF ITS DELIBERATIONS1 (L.C.)

MR. PRESIDENT,

I confess, that I do not entirely approve of this Constitution at present; but, Sir, I am not sure I shall never approve it; for, having lived long, I have experienced many instances of being obliged, by better information or fuller consideration, to change my opinions even on important subjects, which I once thought right, but found to be otherwise. It is therefore that, the older I grow, the more apt I am to doubt my own judgment of others. Most men, indeed, as well as most sects in religion, think themselves in possession of all truth, and that wherever others differ from them, it is so far error. Steele, a Protestant, in a dedication, tells the Pope, that the only difference between our two churches in their opinions of the certainty of their doctrine, is, the Romish Church is infallible, and the Church of England is never in the wrong. But, though many private Persons think almost as highly of their own infallibility as of that of their Sect, few express it so naturally as a certain French Lady, who, in a little dispute with her sister, said, "But I meet with nobody but myself that is always in the right." "Je ne trouve que moi qui aie toujours raison."

In these sentiments, Sir, I agree to this Constitution, with all its faults, if they are such; because I think a general Government necessary for us, and there is no form of government but what may be a blessing to the people, if well

1 From a trans. in L. C. The date of the speech is September 17, 1787.-ED.

administered; and I believe, farther, that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can only end in despotism, as other forms have done before it, when the people shall become so corrupted as to need despotic government, being incapable of any other. I doubt, too, whether any other Convention we can obtain, may be able to make a better constitution; for, when you assemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their joint wisdom, you inevitably assemble with those men all their prejudices, their passions, their errors of opinion, their local interests, and their selfish views. From such an assembly can a perfect production be expected? It therefore astonishes me, Sir, to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does; and I think it will astonish our enemies, who are waiting with confidence to hear, that our councils are confounded like those of the builders of Babel, and that our States are on the point of separation, only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cutting one another's throats. Thus I consent, Sir, to this Constitution, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure that it is not the best. The opinions I have had of its errors I sacrifice to the public good. I have never whispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they were born, and here they shall die. If every one of us, in returning to our Constituents, were to report the objections he has had to it, and endeavour to gain Partisans in support of them, we might prevent its being generally received, and thereby lose all the salutary effects and great advantages resulting naturally in our favour among foreign nations, as well as among ourselves, from our real or apparent unanimity. Much of the strength and efficiency of any government, in procuring and securing happiness to the people, depends on opinion, on the

general opinion of the goodness of that government, as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its governors. I hope, therefore, for our own sakes, as a part of the people, and for the sake of our posterity, that we shall act heartily and unanimously in recommending this Constitution, wherever our Influence may extend, and turn our future thoughts and endeavours to the means of having it well administered.

On the whole, Sir, I cannot help expressing a wish, that every member of the Convention who may still have objections to it, would with me on this occasion doubt a little of his own infallibility, and, to make manifest our unanimity, put his name to this Instrument.

[Then the motion was made for adding the last formula, viz. "Done in convention by the Unanimous Consent," &c.; which was agreed to and added accordingly.]

1698. TO ARTHUR ST. CLAIR AND OTHER DELEGATES IN CONGRESS1

In Council, Philadelphia, September 20, 1787.

GENTLEMEN:- Enclosed is a letter to General Clinton, which we send unsealed for your perusal, with the several papers of intelligence that accompany it. The Council have thought of sending a few resolute men, authorized to apprehend and bring off Franklin and Jenkins; but if they should

1 Arthur St. Clair (1734-1818) was a delegate to the Continental Congress, November 2, 1785, till November 28, 1787, and its president in 1787. He was a grandson of the Earl of Roslyn, and was a brigadier-general in the Revolutionary War. - ED.

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be on the York side of the line, it might be impracticable, without the concurrence of that government. You will see that we have requested the Governor to have a conference with you on the subject, in which, if it take place, we desire you would not only discuss what may be proper for the securing the ringleaders of the sedition, but concert some general measures for the two States to take, that it may be effectually and totally suppressed, and that you would report to us the result of your conference as soon as may be.

P. S. You will see the propriety and necessity of keeping the proceedings secret, as well as the names of the informers, and you will return the enclosed papers.

The letter to Governor Clinton which was enclosed was as follows:

SIR:

In Council, 22 September, 1787.

Your Excellency will see by the papers and letters of intelligence, which I have the honour of communicating to you, that there are a number of disorderly people collecting near the line that divides our two States, who are impatient of regular government, and seize upon and presume to dispose of lands contrary to and in defiance of the laws. It has appeared to me by other evidence that their numbers are daily increasing by vagabonds from all quarters, and that they expect reinforcements from Shay's late partisans, and purpose defending their proceedings by force of arms. Your Excellency will be sensible with us of the mischief such a body of banditti may be capable of occasioning to both our States if suffered to increase and establish themselves in that country, the vicinity of the boundary line affording them at present an imaginary security, since, if pursued by the authority of

one State, they can easily step over into the others. Your Excellency's readiness, manifested on other occasions, to aid the operations of general justice, even in the neighbouring governments, leaves no room to doubt of your concurring with us in the measures that may be necessary to defeat the projects of those people, some of whose leaders are said to be inhabitants of your State. For the concerting such measures the council of this government unanimously and earnestly request your Excellency would be pleased to permit our delegates in Congress to have a conference with you.

I have the honour to be, etc.,

B. FRANKLIN, president.

In Council, 26 September, 1787.

SIR: You are to take what number of militia you think necessary, and proceed with the greatest despatch to Wilkesbarre, in the County of Luzerne. When there, if you think it necessary, consult Colonel Pickering on the best method you can take to apprehend John Franklin, John Jenkins, Zerah Beach, and John McKinstry. Should you take all or any of these men prisoners, you are to bring them to Philadelphia. If you take Franklin at Wilkesbarre do not proceed any farther, or run the risk of losing him by endeavouring to apprehend the others. Council have the utmost reliance on your secrecy and your prudence in conducting this affair. If opposed by force, you are to use force, and execute the warrants at all events.

To Colonel John Craig.

B. FRANKLIN, President.