nation itself there was an enthusiastic and generous sympathy with America, - bravely contending against oppression,- which reacted upon and

infused itself into the cabinet and the court.

With these recollections present to the mind, one cannot but subscribe to the sentiment expressed at the close of the war, by the gallant Lafayette, who bore a filial relation to both countries. "As a Frenchman," he said, "whose heart beats with patriotism, I am proud of the part which France has acted, and of the alliance she made. As an American, I freely acknowledge the obligation due to her; and in that I believe consists true dignity."1

1 Comme un Français, dont le cœur brûle de patriotisme, je me réjouis du rôle que la France a joué, et de l'alliance qu'elle a fait. Comme Americain, je reconnais l'obligation, et je crois qu'en cela consiste la vraie dignité." Lett. to W. Carmichael in Mémoires de Lafayette, vol. II. pp. 51, 52.

Among the French contemporary writers, witnesses of the enthusiasm of their countrymen inspired by the American Revolution, Count de Segur is perhaps the one who has furnished us the most striking details. He has given particularly a lively and graphic picture of the interest and admiration which everywhere followed Franklin and his colleagues on their arrival in France. "Il serait difficile," he says, "d'exprimer avec quel empressement, avec quelle faveur furent accueillis en France, au sein d'une vieille monarchie,

ces envoyés d'un peuple en insurrection contre son monarque." Their simplicity of dress, and unaffected but dignified demeanour, contrasted with the magnificence and artificial forms of Versailles and Paris, gave them, he says, "cet air antique qui semblait transporter tout-à-coup dans nos murs, au milieu de la civilisation amollie et servile du dix-huitième siècle, quelques sages contemporains de Platon, ou des républicains du temps de Caton et de Fabius"; and even before their official recognition by the government, voyait chaque jour accourir dans leurs maisons, avec empressement, les hommes les plus distingués de la capitale et de la cour, ainsi que tous les philosophes, les savans et les littérateurs les plus célèbres." Mémoires de Segur, vol. 1. pp. 108110.

66 on

CHAPTER XIII.

News received of the Signing at Paris of Preliminaries of a general Peace Cessation of Hostilities proclaimed by Congress - Question raised as to Necessity of a formal Ratification of the Provisional Articles between Great Britain and the United States - Also as to the Propriety of an immediate Release of Prisoners - Report of Committee on these Questions by Mr. Madison, Colonel Hamilton dissenting Improvident Decision of Congress - Discontents

of the Army-Petition and Address of Officers to CongressInterview between Deputies of the Army and Grand Committee of Congress Report of Grand Committee - Difference of Opinion on Subject of Half-Pay and Commutation-Mr. Madison vindicates the Claims of the Army-Its Discontents increased by the Delays of Congress - Newburgh Address - Measures adopted by Washington - His Address to the Meeting of Officers - Ability and Magnanimity of his Conduct - Mr. Madison's Account of the Impression produced by it in Congress Interference of civil Creditors to foment Discontents of the Army sternly reproved by Washington Correspondence between Colonel Hamilton and Washington on the Subject - Conduct of Mr. Morris, Superintendent of Finance, gives Rise to Dissatisfaction Sentiments of

Mr. Madison.

On the receipt of the intelligence that the preliminaries of a general peace had been signed between all the belligerents at Paris, -an event

on which the effect of the provisional articles between the United States and Great Britain was generally understood to be suspended,— great impatience was manifested by Congress to realize the pacific results of the arrangement. On the 24th of March, 1783, the day after the arrival of the intelligence, a resolution was passed, directing the agent of the marine to recall all armed vessels cruising under commissions from the United States. A letter was also addressed by the secretary of foreign affairs to Sir Guy Carleton and Admiral Digby, communicating to them, by authority of Congress, a copy of this resolution, and inviting corresponding measures on their part for arresting further hostilities at sea as well as on land.1

Congress was soon made sensible of the precipitation with which they had moved in this matter by letters from the British commanders, declining to act upon the communication made to them, until they had received official accounts and orders from home. On the 10th of April, other letters of General Carleton and Admiral Digby were laid before Congress, announcing the receipt by them of instructions from their own government for a cessation of arms, both by sea and land. At the same time, a communication came from Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, inclos

1 See Madison Debates, vol. I. pp. 427, 428.

2 For all the letters above referred to between the secretary

of foreign affairs and the British commanders, see Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, vol. II. pp. 319–329.

CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES.

379

ing a declaration which had been entered into between them and the British minister at Paris, for applying to the United States the same epochs for the suspension of hostilities that had been agreed upon between Great Britain and France.1 Congress, on the following day, proclaimed in due form a cessation of hostilities, to take effect in conformity to that declaration.

After these proceedings, other embarrassing questions arose, as to the true construction of the provisional articles with regard to the time. for a mutual release of prisoners of war, and also as to the necessity and propriety of a formal ratification of those articles by Congress. These questions were referred to a committee consisting of Mr. Madison, Mr. Peters of Pennsylvania, and Colonel Hamilton. Mr. Madison and Mr. Peters, forming a majority of the committee, were of opinion that as there was no express provision in the articles for their ratification, and as they constituted merely a basis upon which a future definitive treaty was to be concluded, which treaty, when concluded, would require to be ratified, there was neither propriety nor necessity for a ratification of the provisional articles. Such a ratification, they thought also, was positively objectionable, as it would be considered as obliging Congress to an immediate fulfilment of all the stipulations contained in the articles, before

1 See Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, vol. x. pp. 121, 122. Also Madison Debates, vol. 1. pp. 437, 438.

there was any evidence that a corresponding obligation would be assumed by the other party.

A release of the prisoners of war held by the United States would, under these circumstances, they thought, be premature and inexpedient, and surrender an important security for the fulfilment of the stipulations entered into on the part of Great Britain.

These wise conclusions were presented to Congress in a lucid report drawn by Mr. Madison,' but were overruled by the prevailing impatience of the body to consummate, at once and at all hazards, the arrangements entered into for the return of peace. On the 15th of April, 1783, resolutions were passed in favor of a formal ratification of the provisional articles, and directing the agent of marine to cause the naval prisoners to be set at liberty, and the secretary of war, in conjunction with the commander-in-chief, to take measures for setting at liberty all land prisoners.2

Colonel Hamilton, who had dissented from the report of the committee, upon farther reflection changed his opinion as to the construction of the provisional articles respecting the release of pris oners of war, and moved on the following day a modification of the resolution which had been adopted on that subject, by varying the direction

1 See the report, and discussion upon it, in Madison Debates, vol. I. pp. 440-443.

2 See Journals of Congress, vol. IV. pp. 187, 188, and Secret Journals, vol. III. pp. 327-338.