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Voters, Tax-Payers, Statesmen, Politicians and Families.

L'Elat c'est Moi."-Louis XIV.-NAPOLEON 1.

L'Etat c'est la Raison.”—FREDERICK THE GREAT.

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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859,

BY WILLIAM RADDE, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New-York.

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It is due to the practical aid of a number of gentlemenGovernor MORGAN, Mayor TIEMANN, PETER COOPER--and many lawyers, merchants, and others, as well as to the favorable opinion of the press, that the first edition of the MUNICIPALIST has made, under an amended title, room for the second edition. In preparing it, we express our sincere thanks to all the friends of this book for their support, and wish that this “timely, useful, and popular book, which places the political sciences upon the firm rock of Holy Writ,” may enjoy the patronage of all friends -at home and abroad—of our system of government, as it has been inaugurated by our Federal Constitution.

The vote of the people of the State of New-York on the Constitutional Convention, in November, 1858, was but small, viz., 155,120 against a Convention, and 139,748 in favor of it. But, in the main, the result is like that of the vote in Maryland, on the same subject, (see Letter XXII., Part II.,) viz., that the majority of the voters in the cities of New-York and Brooklyn, like those in Baltimore, were for a Convention, and those in the rural towns against it: a fact which, under prevalent circumstances, shows that the inhabitants of those cities are decidedly against an elective Judiciary, while the farming · population think differently about it; and further, that, in re

gard to realizing justice, there exists a necessity to organize large cities entirely different from rural towns. It will be in

teresting to watch the result of the proposed voting on the amending of the Constitution in Ohio, where the Judiciary is also elective---in regard to Cincinnati. The oversight of this fact must, in the length, naturally lead to State separations, in consequence of the immense interests which, in large cities, come in question, and are not always appreciated elsewhere. While, however, the Constitution ordains that in 1866–unless anticipated by the Legislature-a similar vote shall be taken, this book loses nothing of its bearing upon this act, rather gains time for general circulation, and a more thorough, quiet investigation of this important subject.

One of our critics remarks, that this book is a monument (perhaps the sincerest of all) to the memory of Washington, and his co-workers in the arduous task of forming our Union. They founded an empire of peace.

Still, we had our wars, and even a show of civil war-the worst species of this kind of political business—in the Territories of Kansas and Utah: the latter mainly occupied by the Mormon sect, who call it, in their official documents, the State of Deseret.

But this Mormon war seems to be a mere mystification. This settlement is so remote from profitable intercourse with the rest of society, that people there would suffer or starre, if not supported by the gold of the United States Treasury. To get as much as possible of it, they boldly defied the authority of the Territorial Federal officers, who fled, and were, of course, replaced by an army, spending much money there, while, since the baffling of the federal authorities in the exercise of their functions, according to their statement, continues as ever. Meanwhile, the leaders of the sect use the political powers of its members as town and county officers, jurors, legislators, &c., for the promotion of their peculiar Church, incorporated by the 80-called “State of Deseret,” and possessed of almost all the best land within the Territory, according to its act of incorporation and trustworthy reports.

Thus, by a faulty political districting, and organization of society, of which this book treats especially, our Federal Government indirectly fosters Mormon arrogance, the Mormon Church and harems of their priests, and a Mormon empire in embryo.

We point out this instance here, because the military expedition against the Mormons, and the pardon granted them, do not seem to have altered their rebellious disposition, which, obviously, cannot be cured by any measure short of the entire abolition of the territorial organization of Utah, and its annexation to adjacent states or territories where this sect are not in the ascendency.

Another recent instance of the paramount necessity of strictly organizing the public business, in conformity with the prin. ciples explained in this book, is the Post-Office Department. Its recent report shows a deficit of four millions, while, in all European states, this branch produces a net income. We insert here the following extract from an article in the NewYork Journal of Commerce :

“The mail business, obviously, is emphatically a retail or detail business, requiring, accordingly, a set of men particularly trained for it, working under a steady direction of men who understand the business thoroughly, and an organization which renders it entirely independent of law-doctors, who do not know anything about it. We humbly venture the following plan:

“ Divide the United States into a certain number of United States mail distriets; form in each district a United States mail company or agency (not to be consolidated); let these do all the mail business, inland and foreign, accruing to their districts, according to their own tariffs ;

make them responsible for all losses, and let each give a security for the faithful performance of their duties. The effect or advantage of such an organization would be:

“1. The training of proper men for the business.
“2. Security of the public.
“3. Experienced direction.

“4. Competition, and, consequently, constant improvement and cheapness.

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