JAN. 23, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. OF R. ed the system. New England, (with the exception of New Hampshire,) voted for the tariff of 1816. They also voted for the tariffs of 1824 and 1828. From year to year, as often as That was a bill for revenue: it was not the object to the question has been in prospect, her Legislature has, by raise more money than the expenditures of the Governunanimous votes, requested her representatives to sup- ment required. In adjusting the duties, incidental proport the protecting system. Resolutions of that charac- tection only was given to manufactures. That is all that ter, I have had the honor to present to the House during they have ever received under any tariff; it is all they the present session. Such being the sentiments of my now ask. Nor has the propriety, much less the constituconstituents, I cannot consent to permit this bill to pro- tionality of granting it been denied until lately. Both gress further, without submitting to the committee my views of its principles and tendency. Her representatives, against the rest of to say, it was then supposed that the reduction of protection was carried as far as could be done, "consistently with the safety of existing establishments." principles were admitted in the late address from the Baltimore Free Trade Convention, attributed to (I believe I have said, sir, that my State is deeply interested in reported by) the late Attorney General, Mr. Berrien. the fate of this bill. From the returns of the treasury I have been sadly disappointed in the anticipated operaagents, I am enabled to give a statement of those inte- tion of the bill of July. It seems, sir, to have effected rests, approximating to accuracy. We have invested, in neither of its objects. It is now taken for granted that it the various branches of manufactures, a fixed capital of will not, in some years to come, reduce the revenue; and $1,250,000, and an active capital of at least $1,750,000, it has equally failed to allay the discontents of the South yielding an annual product of over $2,250,000. We have How, as a measure of concession, of conciliation, has it in sheep the value of $3,000,000, requiring, in land, for been met? The President's late message has informed us. their sustenance, the value of $10,000,000, yielding an Mr. Chairman, ought such a reception to have been annual product of $1,750,000. These interests are spread expected? Were there no valuable concessions in that over the whole State; the manufacturers are located on bill? Did the manufacturers yield nothing? Sir, I hold every stream; the wool is the product of almost every in my hand a statement of what the woollen interest alone farm. From this statement, it will be perceived that the gave up by that bill, cast on the importation of 1831. leading interest is that of agriculture; the leading object, to protect the labor of the country, and, incidentally, the capital invested in manufactures. Those interests are On wool, costing 8 cents per lb., mutually dependent on each other. It is in vain, sir, that we lay high duties on foreign wool, if we do not create a market for our own, by encouraging manufactures. the other hand, we encourage manufactures, not for the mere profit of the capitalist, or of the manufacturers of foreign wool. On Value of im- Amount of dúty reduced by act of 1832. $54,363 $76,585 123,452 and under, from cents per lb. coarse blankets, costing 75 cents each, and under, from 35 to 5 per cent. The bill has two objects; the one, ostensible; the other, understood; to reduce the revenue; to allay the discontents of the South. The bill, in conformity with the President's message, proposes to reduce the revenue to the wants of the Government. This reduction becomes necessary in consequence of the near approach of On the extinguishment of the public debt. In this I most heartily concur; on this point there is no difference of opinion. I go further: I not only concur in the necessity of reducing the revenue to the expenditure, but will go as far as any one in reducing the amount of that expenditure; not only to the sum of $15,000,000 proposed by On other blankets, from 38 to 25 the committee, but to the sum of $12,000,000. This, I think, it is in the power of this House to do; I do not say On flannels, baizes, &c. from 45 at this time, but that it ought to be ultimately brought down to that sum. The object understood is, to allay the discontents of the South. At the last session, I had supposed both these objects would have been effected by the bill of the 14th of July. Soon after my return, sir, I received a document from the treasury, stating that the bill of July would reduce the revenue (calculating on the basis of the importations of 1830) from $17,288,643 to $12,101,567. But from the calculations appended to the report of the committee, made on the basis of the imports of 1831, the revenue, instead of being reduced to $12,000,000, will be raised to over $19,000,000. What will be the true revenue of 1833, under the bill of 1832, is not, it seems, to be ascertained by mere figures. per cent. per cent. on a minimum of 50 on all other woollens, from 45 1,005,660 491,299 - 5,893,023 uncertain. The coarse woollens and coarse blankets are principally used for the clothing of Southern labor, and under the proposed reduction the importation would, probably, be doubled in 1833. Were these concessions, made by the woollen interest, of no value? I pass from this painful subject, for the present, to the consideration of the bill before us. In regard to the protection of manufactures, I will not now stop to inquire, with what research, with what labor, with what care, the bill of 1832 was matured by the appropriate committee, (the Committee on Manufactures,) The report of the committee contains one sentiment, to nor with what zeal, with what ability, it was debated, and which I most cordially assent, "that we are more exposcontested, inch by inch, article by article; nor refer to ed to suffer from uncertainty than even error in legislathe repeated yeas and nays on the minute questions of a tion;" and what is the commentary? Why, sir, when this cent more or a cent less duty; nor to the large majority bill appeared in the House, (22d December last,) that of by which it was passed, including, I believe, a majority of July was scarce five and a half months old; it had never the opponents of the protecting system. It is sufficient gone alone. But, sir, I do not, technically, question its H. OF R.] The Tariff Bill. [JAN. 23, 1833. legitimacy. It had other parents; it came from the Com- sir, this House, as a part of the Government, is bound to mittee of Ways and Means. A bill, settling the policy of ascertain the wants of the Government, and not to shut the Government, in regard to the protection of manufac- their eyes to those that are inevitable, or even probable. tures, from a committee, whose appropriate duties, I say The report proposes to sell the bank stock for the purit with great deference; whose appropriate duties are, in pose of paying the balance of the public debt. That I conmy judgment, far more limited. I do complain that this sider a mere question of profit and loss; unless, as has committee has, in this bill, undertaken to settle the great been remarked by the gentleman from Massachusetts, questions of policy relative to the protective system, in- [Mr. REED,] the date which history may give to its pay ternal improvements, and the public lands. I had sup-ment, should be taken into the account. As a question of posed that these subjects were appropriate to other com- profit and loss, the bank stocks pay us seven per cent. inittees; that, through their agency, the questions of pub- and our debt is at from three to five. lic policy were to be presented to the House, there to be settled; and that it was the duty of the Committee of Ways and Means to provide the means, in accordance with the policy so settled. On another occasion, it seems The committee have not included in the estimate of exto me, the committee recognised this rule of action. A penditures the large amount of private claims now be few days since, they moved a reference of a subject to the fore the House, nominally from seven to ten millions of Committee on the Public Lands, to settle a question of poli- dollars. Ought not these claims to be adjusted before we cy, before they could report an appropriation. But, sir, put the means of paying them out of our hands? why do I complain? It is a case of a wrong without an in- There is another subject of future expenditure: 1 aljury; we should have fared no better had it come from an-lude, sir, to the probable removal of the Indians from other committee; possibly worse. And here I will take Georgia. It gives me great pleasure to have reason to occasion to say, that never, since the organization of the hope that that controversy is about to be settled to the Government, has so important an interest been left un- satisfaction of all parties. I pass by the unexpended balance of $5,000,000, as the explanations of the honorable chairman were to me entirely satisfactory. protected. I beg pardon of the honorable chairman, Mr. Chairman, have the committee looked to the South [Mr. ADAMS,] and the gentleman on my left, [Mr. Cox-as a source of expenditure? I sincerely hope that there DICT.] will be no occasion of adding an item of that character to At an early stage, I believe at the first sitting of this the amount. committee, after the chairman had called our attention to There is one subject of expenditure which the committhe details of the bill, an honorable member of the com- tee have, so far as regards the interior, stricken from the mittee [Mr. WILDE] remarked, "majorities vote, minori-account-internal improvement, as heretofore, and until ties talk." The words, though significant, were, I thought, lately, understood. On this subject, I have more than of evil omen, to our interests, at least; and I regretted that once presented to the House resolutions from the Legiswe could not expect the aid of the talents of the majority lature of Vermont. I consider internal improvements as in discussing the great principles involved in this bill. It intimately connected with the protective system; not as seemed that we must take it, nolens volens. In other coun- creating a necessity for duties, but as cheapening the tries the bow-string is applied by persons who do not price of every article of manufacture, by diminishing the talk. I am now, however, much gratified that the majo-cost of transportation. The expense of transportation to rity have, in some measure, changed their course. The honorable chairman has called on the different sections of the country to come to the support of this bill. When he calls on New York and Pennsylvania, 1 trust he will call in vain; though I cannot but see that, without votes from those States, this bill cannot pass. And will they desert us now-they who, on former occasions, have led the van? For the tariff of 1816, New York stood, of 1824, - 20 to 2 And Pennsylvania, too, who on those occasions, voted, of 1828, in 1816, in 1828, 17 to 3 21 to 1 23 to 0 Pennsylvania, though not now the victim, is reserved for a future sacrifice. On recurring to the yeas and nays, I think it will be found that the line of division was then drawn between the agricultural and commercial interests. I will now, Mr. Chairman, proceed to examine the bill before us in relation To the reduction of the revenue; the interior is one of our heaviest taxes; in some sections, more than all others. Sir, I consider internal improvements as returning many times their cost, in the increased value of the country in which they are made; in the comforts, and, I may add, in the civilization of its inhabitants. A comparison of those sections of the country where they have been fully executed, with those where they have been refused, would afford matter for deep reflection. In addition to the direct benefits, I consider canals, railroads, rivers rendered navigable, not only as affording the greatest facilities to national defence, but as the great bond of union, which, uniting State with State, one section of the country with another, rendering them mutually dependent upon, and necessary to, each other, will consolidate the Union in interest, not in political powers, and, more than any other single cause, tend to render it perpetual. I have a word to say to the seacoast friends of the limited doctrine of internal improvement. It is time we should understand each other. Do they suppose the interior States will long consent to the limitation of internal improvement, to lighthouses, breakwaters, harbors, navigable rivers below ports of delivery? We have no direct interest in them. If deserted by our old friends, shall we continue to support them, for the purpose of ena The reduction of the revenue to the wants of the Gobling commerce more effectually to discourage our ma vernment: What are those wants? In what manner is the revenue to be reduced? nufactures? Tide water improvements must, in the end, sir, be carried by tide water votes. If it be taken for granted that the sum of fifteen milWhat are the wants of the Government? The commit- lions is all that is wanted, (and, in relation to the objects tee estimate the ordinary expenditures of the Government embraced in the estimate, it is certainly ample,) how is for this and succeeding years, at $15,000,000. I can the reduction proposed to be made? hardly make up my mind to question its correctness. If The estimate of the committee of the re the Government say that this sum is all that is wanted, it is performing an ill office to prove that more is wanted. But, JAN. 23, 1833.] While that of the treasury on the importation of 1830 is only A difference of only report counts on the receipts from the sales of the public 12,101,567 lands, amounting hereafter to three millions of dollars, as a part of the permanent revenue; as one of the items 7,429,081 in their "basis for a financial system for many years to The committee have taken neither, but have made come." their estimate on an average of the importations of six been heretofore considered as a part of the revenue The proceeds of those sales have, it is true, years, but years of great prosperity. If, sir, you destroy of the country, and it would have been very proper to the ability to pay, you diminish the consumption; and as have retained them in the estimates, had no change of to the amount of revenue, much must depend on the ef- policy been indicated by the Chief Magistrate, in accordfect of the laws in relation to our manufactures. If they ance with the manifest expression of public opinion. In are prostrated, you may have perhaps even an increased his annual message, he says: "It seems to me to be our importation for a year or two, but thereafter it will di-true policy that the public lands shall cease, as soon as minish as the consumption decreases. The years of 1831 practicable, to be a source of revenue," &c. Yet this reand 1832, it is understood, were years of excessive im- commendation notwithstanding, we are now called upon portation; the usual consequence will follow, a diminished to pass a law which shall pledge the public lands as a importation, except of the protected articles, and no cer-permanent source of revenue. Who does not see that tain or very probable reliance can be placed on any of the this recommendation of the President will, in some estimates. The committee may find themselves as much form, be carried into effect? It will be done in one of at fault in their estimate, as the Treasury Department three ways: in the mode pointed out by the President, was in that of July. "sold to settlers, in limited parcels, at a price barely suf The ostensible object of the bill being to reduce ficient to reimburse to the United States the expense of revenue, why have the committee thought proper to re-the present system, and the cost arising under our Indian commend new duties? This is said to be done from a compacts;" or in the mode provided by the bill passed motive of financial prudence altogether. The operation last year, (now pending in the Senate,) by dividing the of the bill is, it seems, a subject of, more or less. But, proceeds among the States in the proportion of popula sir, why could not this financial prudence have been as tion; or, lastly, by a certain summary process, supposed well exercised in abstaining from reducing the duties on to be founded on State sovereignty. I cannot but express wool and woollens to the same amount? It is, in fact, the the hope that this great question will be settled during laying these new taxes, that creates the supposed necessity the present session, by the passage of the bill referred of reducing the duties on these protected articles. to. The resolutions of the Legislature of Vermont, laid The reduction of duties on woollens amounts on your table, indicate the course her Representatives will to $2,101,787 follow on this subject. The duties laid on coffee and teas 1,232,741 On silks 622,284 There is something, Mr. Chairman, in the policy of the Western States, populous as they now are, that I cannot 1,855,025 comprehend-their desire to procure a reduction of the price of the public lands. Do the people of those States 246,762 desire to reduce the value of their farms? And such The repeal of the duties on tea and coffee at the last must be its inevitable effect. One will decrease in the session, was made on the ground that they were articles same ratio as the other. What was the effect of the reof general consumption, which inveterate habit had ren-duction of the price from, two dollars to one dollar and dered necessaries, as well to the poor as the rich. From twenty-five cents on real estate in Ohio? Sir, will not the what quarter had come any indication of a wish that these West, will not the States of Indiana and Illinois, be foreduties should be restored? From no quarter, sir; their re- warned, that the new States which, in a few years, will peal was one of the measures which gave great satisfaction be formed west of the Mississippi, will be to them what in every part of the country. I will refer the committee they are now to Ohio. Can the political, (I use the word to a piece of evidence from the State of Maine; it is on in its appropriate sense,) can the political consideration the very first page of this book, [returns of treasury of the mere increase of population be put in the scale agents, Doc. No. 308, now printing for the information of against the consequences I have pointed out? the House.] I read from a letter signed Asa Clap, ad- But, sir, on their own ground, I put it to the West; they dressed, under date 21st April, 1831, to the Secretary of may lay aside the hope, entertained but by few, of acthe Treasury. "Among the many duties which have been quiring the public lands in virtue of the sovereignty prooppressive, were reckoned salt, coffee, and tea, being all cess-I now put it to them to say, if their object be to reused by the poorer class. As the Government has ren-duce the price of the public lands, will they be more dered itself popular in the reduction of the two first arti-likely to attain it, by making their proceeds a part of the cles, it is hoped they will in the latter also." of the public lands, on which I will say a word. If made with a view to its application to internal improvement, or if that be one of its objects, it will withdraw from the General Government, in a great measure, that disturbing question. permanent revenues of the Government, than by dividing A word, sir, on the subject of raising the duty on silks. them among the States? They have then to determine I readily admit they are a proper subject of revenue tax whether they shall probably ever have an offer of a divithough an article of very general consumption, it is not sion on terms more favorable to their interest. one of the necessaries of life. Poor and rich are relative There is another effect of this division of the proceeds terms; and, sir, in that relation, which pays the heaviest tax on silks, in proportion to property, to ability to pay? I am inclined to think that the rich do not consume, or pay duties on the article in proportion to what is paid by the poorer class. But, sir, the question is not now placed on the general policy of taxing silks, as an object of re- Though, sir, I duly appreciate the immediate value of venue: we are not seeking to increase the revenue; but the distribution to the States, to Vermont about 60,000 the question is now put to us in another relation-Shall annually, yet there is another consideration, from which, we increase the duties on silks, for the purpose of creat-in my opinion, it derives its chief consequence, its tening a necessity of reducing the duties on foreign wool and dency to sustain the union of the States, by giving them foreign woollens? That is the question; and, for one, I an immediate interest in the common property of the answer, that I will not agree to the exchange. nation; and of which they shall annually be reminded, There is another subject of increasing importance, to" and for remaining years to come." which I wish to call the attention of the committee. The If, then, the proceeds of the public lands are ab VOL. IX.--78 H. OF R.] The Tariff Bill. [JAN. 23, 1833. stracted from the permanent revenue, there can be no not reach our commerce on the ocean? And then, sir, occasion, at present, to reduce the imposts. We can what becomes of your revenue from the customs? Though safely wait till we have paid all our debts; we can wait we may not be parties to the war, can we escape being till we can ascertain whether future expenditures will be- parties in the war? So long, then, as there is no necessity come necessary, from any of the sources I have indicated; for an immediate reduction of duties, does not sound poand we shall learn something by experience of the ope- licy dictate that we should wait until our foreign relations rations of the act of the last session. are fully developed? A single remark_more on this part of the subject. As I come now to what I deem a more important questiona mere question of finance, I would ask, why should this the operation of this bill on the great agricultural and act take effect the present year? Is any reduction of re-manufacturing interests of the country. venue necessary for the year 1833? In manufactures alone is invested a capital of not less The report states the amount of revenue, for 1833, than two hundred millions of dollars, which connects itunder the bill of 1832, at Under the proposed bill Proposed reduction for 1833 From this deduct the new taxes And for this sum of $19,530,648 self with every branch of agriculture. The magnitude 17,051,884 of the subjects, and the immense effects that are often produced by causes apparently trivial, should induce us 2,478,764 carefully to examine the path we tread. But, sir, the 1,855,025 gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. POLK,] following up the lead of the honorable chairman, has told us this is 623,739 not the time to discuss the general principles of the bill; we are called on to reduce the revenue for the pre- that its details should be first settled; that, by amendment, sent year. I shall have occasion to recur to this subject it may be made a new creature. Sir, with great deference, again for another purpose. I shall, also, before I take I think this would be beginning at the little end. How, my seat, state the principles on which, in my humble and to what end, shall we offer amendments, unless we opinion, the revenues should be reduced. have some principle, some settled object in view. One But, sir, there is no occasion to reduce the revenue, assumes that fair protection should be given to the great even this sum of six hundred and twenty-two thousand staples, and to the manufactures of the country; another, dollars, the present year. The years 1831 and 1832 were that it should be limited to articles essential to our safety years of excessive importation; according to the usual in time of war; a third, that the duties should be laid course of commerce, the importations of 1833 must be equally on protected and unprotected articles. Each will very considerably less, probably by twenty per cent. shape his amendments to the object he has in view. With Under the tariff of 1832, the duties on an equal impor- what hope of any beneficial result can we proceed in such tation to that of 1831 would be Deduct twenty per cent. Leaving for the probable customs of 1833 It is stated in the report, that "the sum necessary for the ordinary operation of the Government, providing liberally for an efficient civil, military, and naval service, including the pension system of former years, need not amount to more than" 13,000,000 To this, for the present year, must be added-, The semi-annual pensions, under the pension law of 1832, for 1st September, 1833 Two years' arrears of pension, to the 1st March, 1833 Enlarging the expenses of our present Indian policy, custom-houses, public stores, &c. &c. as estimated in the report 875,000 3,500,000 1,000,000 $19,530,648 a course? It seems to me that we should first settle the 3,906,128 principle of protection-its objects-and then, and lastly, its extent. And further, perhaps this may be the only 15,624,520 opportunity-the previous question may be applied. I have had some difficulty in ascertaining, with any degree of precision, what are the principles of the Government, or rather of the administration, in relation to this subject of protection. I find others in the same uncertainty. In the message I find the following paragraph: "The protection afforded, by existing laws, to any branch of the national industry, should not exceed what may be necessary to counteract the regulations of foreign nations, and to secure a supply of those articles of manufacture essential to the national independence and safety in time of war.' These principles, if they were to be permanent, applicable to future as well as to the existing laws, would cover all the ground the most ultra tariff man could ask. To counteract the regulations of foreign nations, which, by high duties, virtually prohibit the great staples of a large portion of our country, our flour, beef, pork, fish, 18,375,000 oil, lumber, &c., we might, by like duties, exclude their manufactures. Suppose cotton were added to the list of But, sir, the amount of revenue that would accrue un-excluded articles; we should have no difficulties with the der the bill reported, must be considered as uncertain. South. And should the British Government hereafter, It depends on contingencies. So far forth as this bill de- to protect the products of its foreign possessions, impose stroys our manufactures, it will increase importations of such duties, or should any event prostrate the English the protected articles for a year or two; but, as it tends manufactures, would not the South have some reason to to diminish our means of paying, it will soon diminish con- regret her hostility to those of the North, and to rejoice sumption, and of course diminish importations generally. that they had been sustained? I will not pursue the subMy fear is that it will eventually reduce the revenue below ject further. "Essential to our independence and safety the wants of the Government; and when new duties shall in time of war," are words of extensive import. As be necessary, it too plainly indicates the articles on which heretofore construed by the Government, they include those duties will be laid-on the unprotected articles. I not merely munitions of war, but all articles essential to cannot but look upon the introduction of the new duties on our comfort. I refer more particularly to Mr. Dallas's the necessaries of life, coffee and tea, as the entering report on finance, of the year 1816. wedge for the destruction of the protective system. In the same message is the following: "The policy of One other consideration against reducing the duties, I protection must be ultimately limited to those articles of will merely suggest; it arises from the present belligerent domestic manufacture which are indispensable to our state of Europe. The signs of the times indicate but safety in time of war." The words, "indispensable to too surely the approach of a general continental war. our safety," give rise to the all-important question, Will its operations be confined to the land? May they "What are those articles? On the answer to this ques JAN. 23, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. OF R. tion depends my assent or dissent. Are they to be under-that the adventurers in manufactures supposed it was stood to be co-extensive with the former opinions of the sufficient; not that it was, in fact, sufficient. That is Chief Magistrate, read by the honorable gentleman from matter of fact which depends on evidence; and what is Pennsylvania, [Mr. MCKENNAN,] a few days since, and of the evidence? The issue is, whether manufactures were, which I avail myself? "Providence has filled our moun-in 1824, sufficiently protected by the act of 1816. Whattains and our plains with minerals-with lead, iron, and ever might have been the suppositions, the calculations, copper, and given us a climate and soil for the growing or the hopes of the manufacturers, they were, to their of hemp and wool--they being the great materials of loss, mistaken! I now refer to the evidence contained in our national defence, they ought to have extended to them this book. It is a volume containing the manufacturing adequate and fair protection, that our manufacturers and statistics of Maine and Massachusetts, collected by order laborers may be placed in fair competition with those of of the treasury. I refer to a single statement. I find Europe; and that we may have, within our own country, many more, however, of the same character. I read a supply of those leading and important articles so essen- from the answers of Aaron Tufts, who, I understand from tial in war."-[Extract from General Jackson to Mr. Col- those who know him, sustains a high character for intelman.] The sentiments contained in this extract will meet ligence and integrity. I read it not only to disprove the the entire approbation of the friends of the protective conclusion of the report, but to show the real condition of system. But, sir, we were told the other day that they manufactures from 1816 to 1832. were to be understood in a much more restricted sense; as including only munitions of war. The gentleman from New York [Mr. HOFFMAN] seemed to speak ex cathedra. I hope he is mistaken. "It will not be in my power to answer but part of your questions, the principal object of which appears to be to ascertain, from facts elicited, whether the manufacturing business is so productive as to justify a reduction of the Since the message, we have received the report of the duties on the foreign article, and still leave the domestic Secretary of the Treasury. Though he is not the official protected. I can answer this general question as far as it organ of the Executive, yet it is to be hoped that, on this respects the woollen business, and which will apply also occasion, he is in accord with the President. In this re-to wool. I have been led to watch, with great attention, port I read: "This power [of laying duties] ought to be the progress of the woollen business from its commencedirectly exerted; to counteract foreign legislation, inju- ment. I was a stockholder, for about one year, in the rious to our enterprise, and incidentally to protect our first factory which was put in operation in this country, in own industry, more especially those branches necessary 1812; and having, from that time to the present, been the to preserve, within ourselves, the means of national de-owner of a large flock of fine woolled sheep. This facfence and independence." This seems to regard the tory commenced business with a capital of thirty-one future as well as existing laws, and seems not in perfect thousand dollars paid in, and invested, the whole of agreement with the last clause of the message. I next which was lost previous to 1818, and the factory passed refer to the report of the committee, which accompanies into other hands. Other factories in this country went the bill. The promised protection is only "in those in- into operation at different periods previous to 1820, which, stances where national independence, in the time of war, in almost every instance, have since become insolvent, or seemed to demand some sacrifice in peace, (as in the case closed their concerns with a total loss. I will instance of iron;) where it was thought a higher or a lower rate of the woollen factory in Southbridge, which closed its conduty would be of advantage to the revenue, without any cerns about three years since, with a loss, as I am informindividual injury, (as in regard to distilled spirits;) or ed, of one hundred and eighty thousand dollars. South where some branch of industry might be materially bene-Leicester Corporation, about the same time, met a loss of fitted by low imposts on some of its raw materials," (as, one hundred and ninety thousand dollars. Others might I presume, in the case of wool.) I now ask, what is the be enumerated, the situation of which would be no better. precise principle? what the extent of protection to be de- These factories were owned by gentlemen of abundant duced from these sources? On this subject it is important capital, well acquainted with mercantile business, and that the public should be correctly informed. It is im- under the immediate direction of practical manufacturers. portant to the North to know on what they have to de- I am satisfied, from facts in my possession, that, in the pend; that they may in time prepare to meet whatever woollen business, in the aggregate, previous and up to crisis awaits them. It is important to the South that they the year 1824, the loss would be equal to the whole should know what they have to hope or to fear. A reso- amount of capital invested. The tariff of 1824 was conlution, now on the table, should it pass, would, no doubt, elicit the so much desired explanation. sidered a pledge given by Government, that protection should be afforded to the industry of the country; it held The report adopts, as a basis, the tariff of 1816. And out some encouragement to the manufacturer, and inwhy, sir? With what propriety? At that period our duced many to embark in the business; a large amount of manufactures were in their infancy; they had grown up capital was invested. Some of those who had gone into only under the protection afforded by embargo, non-in operation previous to 1824, had survived in a languishing tercourse, and war, from 1807 to 1815. The uncertainty condition, and a part of those, after 1824, were ruined of the duration of those restrictions had been unfavorable by the severe pressure of 1829. to the investment of capital; yet, to some extent, it had "I do not believe that those who went into operation beer induced to adventure in manufactures. Since the subsequent to 1824, have made a dollar in the aggregate, acts of 1816, 1824, and 1828, those investments have in-though there are some few instances where, by fortunate creased a hundred fold; not only in the then existing coincidence of circumstances, they have made six per manufactures, but in various new branches, affording centum or more; but these exceptions have been more new objects of protection. How then it could be imagin- from mercantile operations than the regular business of ed that a tariff, suitable to the condition of the country in manufacturing. But few dividends have been made. The 1816, should be applicable to 1833, I cannot conceive. following statistical facts were obtained from the owners You might as well, sir, attempt to put the garment of an or agents of most of the woollen factories in this country, infant upon a giant. and were taken for the year 1831, and, it is believed, are But the committee have given us their reasons. I will very correct. They will go far to establish the opinions. examine them. First, that "the vast increase of manu- I have given in the foregoing remarks. factures, of all sorts, proves-(proves what?)--proves The whole amount, in value, of woollens that the protection of the act of 1816 was ample." A made in this country in 1831, is non sequitur, sir. It proves no such thing. It proves $2,499,500 |