State, alleging as a reason that it was all wrong. them. I admit that in the States you have full The State of New York, said he, will have as control over it. You may do with it as seems to much influence in the Senate of the United States you good. You never found me, you never found as Virginia itself, under this Constitution. It is the party to which I belong in the North, pretendall wrong. The small States will be on a par with ing to do anything adverse to your right to make the large States. It ought to be grounded, either such laws and regulations with regard to this inupon property, or upon the number of white male stitution as you please. We hoped, like all other inhabitants. men, that you would see that the system did not That is what he said at the time, and that was work to your best advantage; we were in hopes the condition of things at the time. Now look on you would see that a gradual system of emancipaold Virginia. Does she not lie in the fairest part tion, just such as made the vast difference between of this continent? Is there any other State that the progress of the State of New York and old exceeds her in the fertility of her soil, in the salu- Virginia, would wake up every sensible man to brity of her climate, in all that pertains to the follow in the track, and to do likewise. We hoped material welfare of man? No State in this Union that, but we claimed no right to interfere. You probably could compare with her. And now, must do with this as seems to you good. during one age of man, how does she rank accord- I regret, Mr. President, that this question has ing to the last census? Why, from number one arisen here now, for I believe all will bear me witshe has sunk to number five. What has produced ness that I have not been factious here. From this? That great statesmanship of which she the first day I took my seat in this body, resoluboasts so much, and upon which she sometimes, tions touching slavery, in a manner exceedingly as I think, takes airs to herself. Is that the prin- offensive to men of the North, were urged upon ciple? Have your principles of statesmanship us day after day, week after week, and month advanced you thus ? Why, sir, your statesman- after month, well calculated to stir the blood of a ship is Africanized, and you want to Africanize northern man, and yet I sat under it. While it this whole Territory. That is what you are after; was a matter in the abstract, I cared nothing and if it is right, you should do it. But, really, about it. Your finality resolutions that were the policy of this Government now differs but a debated here so long, all that you could say little from what it is in Africa, from Guinea to Tim- here or elsewhere, your determination to resist buctoo. We are about the same in principle. all agitation of this subject, never stirred me to There they are opposed to any general system of opposition; but when you come in here, by law internal improvement; they are opposed to any attempting to legalize slavery in half a contigeneral system of education. I do not know that nent, and to bring it into this Union in that they carry it quite as far as they do in some other way, and when, in doing so, you are guilty of places, where they whip and imprison women who the greatest perfidy you can commit, I must undertake to teach the poor. I am not quite cer- enter my indignant protest against it. Sir, what tain that they undertake to carry it to that extent; will be the consequence of passing this bill? Does but, nevertheless, so far they go side by side; and not any man see that its first effect will be to renwhen you come to raising children for the market, der all future compromises absolutely ridiculous they can vie well with each other. But they seek and impossible? for if one as solemnly entered into to extend the market for human beings; and hence as this, as faithfully lived up to as this, shall be the object of this bill. Their object is to enhance thus wantonly broken down, how, when a matter and extend this market; and I say it does not of difference again arises between us, shall we consist with the welfare of this Union to do so. compromise it? Shall we have any faith in each I say that to fill the interior of this continent with other? No, sir; no. Where is your compromise that kind of chattels is to blast the fairest pros- of 1850? Why it is just as effectually gone as the pects of every man who has ever entertained the compromise you now seek to repeal. They both highest hopes of the progress of his country, and stand together. One guarantees the other. They hence it is that I stand here as one to oppose it. are linked together by the same legislation. To You may call me an Abolitionist if you will; I repudiate one is to repudiate both. And do you care but little for that; for if an undying hatred to believe, sir, that we shall keep our hands off that slavery or oppression constitutes an Abolitionist, portion of the legislation of 1850 upon which the I am that Abolitionist. If man's determination, South now relies as giving an equal chance for at all times and at all hazards, to the last extre- slavery in New Mexico and Utah, and which is mity, to resist the extension of slavery, or any exceedingly offensive to the North, as that was other tyranny, constitutes an Abolitionist, I, be- free country when we conquered it? Suppose a fore God, believe myself to be that Abolitionist. prodigious excitement pervades all the northern So I was taught, and I shall not probably very States. Suppose they come in here to say to soon swerve from the faith of my forefathers, in the South: "You have led the way in repudithis particular. It is idle to cry "Abolition" to ating compromises, and, as there is no further To me it is an honorable name. Not, sir, trust to be reposed in one section of the country or that I ever went with that particular party; but I the other, we sternly demand a repeal of all those did not differ from them on these points; but be- laws which are for your benefit, as you have gone cause they did not make their opposition effectual, foremost in doing away with that portion which in my judgment; for I would have gone with were made for us." What shall then be said? those who would have reached your institutions, What plea can you put in to me when I come wherever the Constitution gave us a right to here backed by my constituents, demanding that reach them, without trenching one hair's breadth now, inasmuch as the South have come up as one where we had no right. There I do not under- man and have taken away all the guarantees on take, and never shall undertake, to trench upon which we and our forefathers relied to guard

me.

this great domain against the encroachments of [tions of it are rife now in the heavens, and any slavery, inasmuch as it has been ruthlessly tram- man who is not blind can see it. There are meetpled under foot by a few treacherous men not ings of the people in all quarters; they express consulting with their constituents, that you shall their alarm, their dismay, their horror at the prorepeal all the compromise laws, the fugitive slave position which has been made here. You cannot law included, which you hold of consequence to make them believe that the thing is seriously conyou? Has any northern man offered such a pro- templated here. How is it? You of the South, position? I know you complained that we do all of you, propose to go for repudiating this oblinot submit with as much resignation to your gation. Do you not see that you are about to fugitive bill as you would be glad to see. Well, bring slavery and freedom face to face, to grapple sir, we do not. I agree to that. Why do we not? for the victory, and that one or the other must It is because the northern mind, imbued with the die? I do not know that I ought to regret it, but principles of liberty, is unable to see the force of I say to gentlemen, you are antedating the time your claim and title to the slave. I grant that when that must come. It has always been my the Constitution of the United States contains opinion that principles so entirely in opposition to what you call a compromise; but it is scarcely each other, so utterly hostile and irreconcileable, more sacred than the one under consideration. could never exist long in the same government. So far as the inclinations of the people will go, so But, sir, with mutual forbearance and good-will, far as their feelings will go, you have a faithful with no attempt on either side to take advantage execution of that law; but if you demand that of the other, perhaps we might have lived in hapagainst which human nature itself revolts, you piness and peace for many years; but when you must take it with such objections as naturally will come boldly forth to overthrow the time-honored arise. In general your law has been enforced; but guarantees of liberty, you show us that the prinwhat will be said when you have thrown down ciples of slavery are aggressive, incorrigibly agthe gauntlet on the other side, and told us that gressive; that they can no more be at ease than compromises for our benefit mean nothing at all? can a guilty conscience. If you show us that-and Have you not got now three slave states out of you are fast pointing the road to such a state of the Louisiana purchase nearly as large as the rest things-how can it be otherwise than that we of that territory, and are you not enjoying it must meet each other as enemies, fighting for the Has any man from the north ever said it should victory for the one or the other of these princibe taken from you? No, sir; not a lisp of it, not ples must prevail.

a word of it. Is not freedom to be considered as I tell you, sir, if you precipitate such a conflict well as slavery? as that, it will not be liberty that will die in the

But, sir, I would rather put this question on nineteenth century. No, sir, that will not be the broader principles than these compacts, sacred as party that must finally knock under. This is a they are, and from which no man who violates progressive age; and if you will make this fight, them can escape with honor. However, as I have you must be ready for the consequences. I regret intimated already, this is a great question of human it. I am an advocate for the continuance of this rights. Now, if there is not really any difference Union; but as I have already said, I do not bebetween liberty and slavery, then all that our lieve this Union can survive ten years the act of fathers have done; all that the Declaration of In- perfidy that will repudiate the great compromise dependence has set forth; all the legislation in of 1820.

England and in this country to further and guar- Mr. President, I do not wish to detain the Senantee the principles of human liberty, are a mere ate upon this subject. Perhaps I have said all nullity, and ought not to be lived up to. This may that I have to say upon it. I wished to enter my be so, but we have been taught differently. protest against this act. I wished to wash my Gentlemen have argued this question as though hands clean of this nefarious conspiracy to trample it were a matter of entire indifference whether the on the rights of freemen, and give the ascendency continent is to be overrun with slavery, or whether to slavery. I could not justify my course to my it is to be settled by freemen. I know that those constituents without having done so to the utmost who hold slaves may have an interest in this ques- of my ability; and having done so, I shall leave tion; but when you consult this matter in the this issue to you to say whether it is safe, right, light of States, or communities, there can be but and reasonable for any fancied advantage, to incur one answer to it. If there is any other, as I said such enormous perils. before, if both are to stand and fare alike, then hu- I know gentlemen think all is calm, and I know man liberty is a humbug, and tyranny ought to they will preach peace. I wish there was real be the order of the day. But, Mr. President, this peace, for I do not delight in contention. I have is also an exceedingly dangerous issue. I know endeavored not to be a contentious man here. I the Senator from Kentucky said he did not think have endeavored even to abide by your comprothere would be very much of a storm after all. mises, which I did not exactly like.

He was of opinion that the northern mind would But I have overlooked one thing that I ought immediately lie down under it, that the North to have said. The Senator from Illinois deduces would do as they have frequently done, submit to some great principles from the compromises of it, and finally become indifferent in regard to it. 1850. So he says in his speech. Now, from the But I tell the gentleman that I see indications very nature of those compromises, it was all but entirely adverse to that. I see a cloud, a little impossible that any particular principle could be bigger now than a man's hand, gathering in the deduced from them. There were several antagonorth, and in the west, and all around, and soon nistical subjects, about which there was dispute; the whole northern heavens will be lighted up and, indeed, there can never be much of a prinwith a fire that you cannot quench. The indica- ciple drawn from a compromise of antagonistical

principles. That is not the place to fix a prin- proposed it, was to extend slavery, not to restrict ciple. There was California-she had adopted a it. There is no analogy in the principles at all. constitution, and sought to be admitted into the One restricted slavery, and the other extended Union. Here was Texas wishing to have her slavery. What would be said of me if I should boundary adjusted with New Mexico. Here was undertake to deduce a principle from the action the District of Columbia, in which the North con- of Congress in 1850 in respect to the District of tended that slave-markets should be abolished. Columbia? You abolished the market for slaves Perhaps there were no two men who agreed in here, and declared that they should not be brought all these propositions. Some were for permitting into the District for sale. Then I might say, on California to be admitted into the Union. The the gentleman's doctrine, that you had settled a whole north thought it ought to come in: but did great principle; that you should not have slaveyou then stand upon the doctrine of non-interven-markets anywhere else, and it would be just as tion? Here was a State organized with a free logical as the principles which the gentleman constitution, knocking at your doors for admission. deduces from some other of those compromise Where, then, was this great doctrine of non-measures. The fact was, that there were a great intervention in the South? Where did it find any many real or fancied interests antagonistical to advocates then? Why, sir, the State of Georgia, each other; and while hardly any man agreed as I recollect, passed her resolutions, and among to the settlement of them all, they got together, other points which she said would justify her in as men settle other controversies-they undertook dissolving the Union, one was the admission of to arbitrate and to compromise. Although they California into the Union. There, sir, was non- did not agree to any one thing in particular, they intervention with a vengeance! The whole South said, we will take these measures as a whole; stood in opposition to her entering this Union with they are the best we can do, and therefore we a free constitution. Was that non-intervention? will submit to them; and having submitted, we And yet the gentleman says, one great principle will abide by them.

that he deduces from the legislation of 1850 is The idea of a compromise of course presupposes non-intervention. So far from that I should sup- that the disputing parties have not got all that pose it was intervention of the very highest char- they were contending for. How then can you acter, to shut a State out of this Union, to resist deduce principles from such a state of things as her approach here as long as it could be done, and that? No one thought of doing it but one who never to yield to it till some consideration could was contending for the overthrow of even this be given for it. A principle of non-intervention, last compromise, without giving any reason why says the gentleman, growing out of such a state he had done, it; for I am sure if there was a reaof things as that! But, the gentleman also said son adequate to such an exigency as this, it would that he offered to extend the Missouri compromise be easy either to state it on paper or otherwise; line to the Pacific, and he says the anti-slavery but it has not been stated.

I am

feeling rejected it, and therefore he is going Mr. President, I will not prolong this discustake vengeance upon us, and come up into the sion. In my desultory way I have said all, and North with his slavery doctrine. How was that? more than all that I intended to say. The Missouri compromise was a restriction upon satisfied with having entered my protest against slavery; but the territories which we acquired this measure. If gentlemen adopt it, they must from Mexico were already, by a decree of Mexico, take it with all its perils. I trust freedom will free from slavery; therefore your line, when you ultimately come out of the conflict triumphantly.

70

SPEECH OF THE HON. EDWARD EVERETT,

IN THE SENATE, FEB. 8, 1854,

NEBRASKA AND KANSAS.

MR. EVERETT said:

MR. PRESIDENT: I intimated yesterday that if time had been allowed, I should have been glad to submit to the Senate my views at some length in relation to some of the grave constitutional and political principles and questions involved in the measure before us. Even for questions of a lower order, those of a merely historical character, the time which has elapsed since this bill, in its present form, was brought into the Senate, which I think is but a fortnight ago yesterday, has hardly been sufficient, for one not previously possessed of the information, to acquaint myself fully with the details belonging to the subject before us, even to those which relate to subordinate parts of it, such as our Indian relations. Who will undertake to say how they will be affected by the measure now, before the Senate either under the provisions of the bill in that respect as it stood yesterday, or as it will stand now that all the sections relative to the Indians have been stricken out? And then, sir, with respect to that other and greater subject, the question of slavery as connected with our recent territorial acquisitions, it would take a person more than a fortnight to even read through the voluminous debates since 1848, the knowledge of which is necessary for a thorough comprehension of this important and delicate subject.

thousands of kindred, civilized fellow-men and fellow-citizens. Yes, sir, the time is not far distant, probably, when Kansas and Nebraska, now unfamiliar names to us all, will sound to the ears of their inhabitants as Virginia, and Massachusetts, and Kentucky, and Ohio, and the names of the other old States, do to their children. Sir, these infant Territories, if they may even at present be called by that name, occupy a most important position in the geography of this continent. They stand where Persia, Media, and Assyria stood in the continent of Asia, destined to hold the balance of power-to be the centres of influence to the East and to the West.* Sir, the fountains that trickle from the snow-capped crests of the Sierra Madre flow in one direction to the Gulf of Mexico, in another to the St. Lawrence, and in another to the Pacific. The commerce of the world, eastward from Asia, and westward from Europe, is destined to pass through the gates of the Rocky Mountains over the iron pathways which we are even now about to lay down through those Territories. Cities of unsurpassed magnitude and importance are destined to crown the banks of their noble rivers. Agriculture will clothe with plenty the vast plains now roamed over by the savage and the buffalo. And may we not hope, that, under the aegis of wise constitutions of free government, religion and laws, morals and edFor these reasons, sir, I shall not undertake at this ucation, and the arts of civilized life, will add all time to discuss any of these larger questions. I rise the graces of the highest and purest culture to the for a much more limited purpose-to speak for my-gifts of nature and the bounties of Providence? self, and without authority to speak for anybody else, Sir, I assure you it was with great regret, having as a friend and supporter of the compromises of 1850, in my former congressional life uniformly concurred and to inquire whether it is my duty, and how far in every measure relating to the West which I supit is the duty of others who agree with me in that posed was for the advantage and prosperity of that respect, out of fidelity to those compromises, to sup- part of the country, that as a member of the Comport the bill which is now on your table, awaiting the inittee on Territories, I found myself unable to supaction of the Senate. This, I feel, is a narrow ques-port the bill which the majority of that committee tion; but this is the question which I purpose, at no had prepared to bring forward for the organization very great length, to consider at the present time. of these Territories. I should have been rejoiced I will, however, before I enter upon this subject, if it had been in my power to give my support to say, that the main question involved in the passage of a bill of this kind is well calculated to exalt and expand the mind. We are about to take a first step in laying the foundations of two new States, of two sister independent Republics, hereafter to enter into the Union, which already embraces thirty-one of these sovereign States, and which, no doubt, in the course of the present century, will include a much larger number. I think Lord Bacon gives the second place among the great of the earth to the founders of States-Conditores imperiorum. And though it may seem to us that we are now legislating for a remote part of the unsubdued wilderness, yet the time will come, and that not a very long time, when these scarcely existing territories, when these almost mpty wastes, will be the abode of hundreds and

the measure. But the hasty examination which, while the subject was before the committee, I was able to give to it, disclosed objections to the bill which I could not overcome; and more deliberate inquiry has increased the force of those objections.

I had, in the first place, some scruples-objections I will not call them, because I think I could have overcome them—as to the expediency of giving a territorial government of the highest order to this region at the present time.

In the debate on this subject in the House of Representatives last year, inquiries were made as to the number of inhabitants in the Territory, and I

striking editorial article in a late number of the St. Louis Daily Intelligencer.

The idea in this sentence was suggested by a very

believe no one undertook to make out that there] But, sir, the relation of the Indian tribes to the were more than four hundred, or five hundred, or, at question is, I confess, in my mind, a matter of greatthe outside, six hundred white inhabitants in the re- er difficulty. Senators all know that the eastern gion in which you are now going to organize two of strip of this Territory-I believe for its whole exthese independent territorial governments with two tent certainly from the southern boundary of KanLegislative Councils, each consisting of thirteen sas, far up to the north-is occupied by Indian tribes, members, and two Legislative Assemblies of twenty- and the fragments of Indian tribes. They are not in six members each, with all the details and apparatus their original location. All the Indians who are of territorial governments of the highest rank. there, I believe, have already undergone one reIt seems to me that this is not called for by the moval, and some of them two. In pursuance of condition of the country, and is somewhat prema- the policy which was carried into execution on so ture. It was the practice in the earlier stages of large a scale under the administration of General our legislation to have a territorial government of a Jackson, a large number of tribes and fragments of simpler form. In the Territories which were organ- tribes were collected upon this eastern frontier of ized upon the pattern prescribed by the ordinance the proposed Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, of 1787, there was a much simpler government. A and have remained there ever since, some of them governor and judges were appointed by the President having made considerable progress in the arts of of the United States, and authorized to make such civilized life.

laws as might be necessary, subject of course to the The removal of the Indians was one of the promallowance or disallowance of Congress: and that inent measures of General Jackson's administration. organization served very well for the nascent state It was my fortune, sir-it was twenty-four years of the Territories. There was a limit prescribed to ago, I believe-my friend from Tennessee [Mr. governments of this kind. When the population BELL] will recollect it--as a member of the other amounted to five thousand male inhabitants, I think House, to take an active part in the discussion of it was, they were allowed to have a representative this question. He will remember, I am sure, the government. This may, perhaps, be too high a ardent, but not unfriendly, conflicts between himnumber, and may not be in entire accordance with self, as Chairman of the Committee on Indian Afthe character of our people, and the genius of our fairs, and myself on that subject. I then maintained institutions; but still, sir, I do think, that a govern- that it was impossible, if you removed these Indians ment of this kind which we propose now to organize, to the West, to give them a "permanent home;" with a constituency so small as now exists, cannot for that was the cardinal idea, the very cornerbe that which the wants or the interests of the peo- stone of the policy of General Jackson-to remove ple require, and is in many respects objectionable. the Indians from their locations east of the MissisIt brings the representative into dangerous relations sippi river, where they were crowded by the white with the constituent; and bestows upon a mere population, and undergoing hardships of various handful of men too much power in organizing the kinds, so far west as would allow them to find a government, and laying the foundations of the State. permanent home. I ventured to say then that, in It is true, we are told, that the moment the inter- my opinion, they could find no more permanent course act is repealed, there will be a great influx home west than east of the Mississippi. My friend of population. I have no doubt that will be the from Tennessee thought otherwise, and said so, case. There is also a throng of adventurers con- speaking, I am sure, in as good faith as I did in stantly pouring through this country towards the expressing the opposite opinion. But the policy West, which requires an efficient Government. But was carried through, and an act was passed aueven making all due allowance for these circum- thorizing an exchange of the lands occupied by the stances, I do think that it is somewhat premature Indians east of the Mississippi for other lands west to give this floating, and-if I may so call it-un- of that river. I will read a single short section stationary population, all the discretionary powers from that act:to be vested in a territorial government of the first class. I think it is giving too much power, too much discretion, to a population that will not probably amount at first to more than a few hundred individuals. Still, however, I admit that this is but a question of time. I do not think it a point of vital importance.

"SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That in making of such exchange or exchanges, it shall and may be lawful for the President solemnly to assure the tribe or nation with which the exchange is made, that the United States will for ever the country so exchanged with them; and if they prefer it, secure and guaranty to them, and their heirs and successors, the United States will cause a patent or grant to be made and executed to them for the same; Provided, always, That become extinct, or abandon the same."

such lands shall revert to the United States, if the Indians

When I consider the prodigious rapidity with which our population is increasing by its native growth-when I consider the tide of immigration This was the legislative foundation of the policy; from Europe, a phenomenon the parallel of which and General Jackson deemed it of so much consedoes not exist in the history of the world, an immi- quence that, in his Farewell Address, he congratu gration of three or four hundred thousand, of which lated the country on the success with which it had the greater part are adults, pouring into this country been carried out; and his successor, Mr. Van Buren, every year, adding to our numbers an amount of pop- in one of his annual messages, spoke of it in the ulation greater than that of some of the older States, same glowing terms.

and those not of the smallest size, and this double Now, sir, these were the hopes, these were the tide flowing into the West, so that what is a wilder- expectations on which the policy of removing_the ness to-day is a settled neighborhood to-morrow- Indians west of the Mississippi proceeded. I do when I consider these things, I do admit that a not recall the recollection of the subject reproachquestion of this nature is but a question of time; and fully; I have no reproach to cast upon any one. if there were no other difficulty attending the bill, I Events which no mortal could have foreseen have should not be disposed to object to it on this score, taken place. The whole condition of our western